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Echo chambers, fake news, filter bubbles and algorithms have been framed as great threats to our contemporary democracies and public spheres. In the Nordic countries, the state plays an active role in sustaining democracy and the public sphere through culture- and knowledge policies. The Norwegian Government have over the last years presented a white paper on overall cultural policy and a library strategy document. Both documents address the effects of digital technology on democracy, and how culture institutions in general and libraries in particular can help sustain our democracies in changing times. In this article, we study these and preceding documents on culture- and library policies. We analyze how they address digital technology and how they see culture- and library policies as providing solutions to digital threats to democracy and the public sphere. Furthermore, we study what notion of democracy and the public sphere are prevalent in Norwegian cultural policies. The results show that the Government view culture as a remedy against a fragmented public sphere, and that libraries play a key role as providers of digital guidance and teaching.

Die Zusammenführung der einzelnen madagassischen Gesellschaften zu einer "Prä-Nation" fand 1896 durch die franz. Annexion Madagaskars ein Ende. Die Gesellschaften, in denen die Familie, ihre Ahnen, das Land der Ahnen sowie die kosmologischen Beziehungen den räumlich begrenzten identitären Horizont bildeten, instrumentalisierte die Kolonialmacht durch ihre politique des races. Ethnisierung wurde zum Instrument einer divide et impera-Politik. Das Ergebnis war der Abbruch einer Entwicklung zu nationaler Kohärenz und Identität sowie die Fixierung gesellschaftlicher Fragmentierung. In fünf Jahrzehnten der Unabhängigkeit hat es der madagassische Staat nicht vermocht, die identitäre Diversität in eine nationale Identität zu überführen. Politische Interessen instrumentalisieren dagegen die Ethnizität, so dass das identitäre Bewusstsein von der Gesellschaftszugehörigkeit, vom Familien- und Ahnenbezug sowie den damit verknüpften kosmologischen Konzeptionen bestimmt und räumlich begrenzt wird.

This paper explores the development of the United States from the colonial period to the present, with a particular emphasis on its reputation as the land of opportunity and global superpower. The bright side of America based on the promises of the founding principles and basic traditional values has been the source of unsurpassed national pride and admiration by much of the world. However, the dark side of America has dimmed the beacon of democracy which has been overshadowed by instances of inequality of opportunity based on race, gender and other backgrounds, displacement, exclusion, discrimination, segregation, systemic racism, and mistreatment of its workers. The paper highlights particular events that belong to the tragic side of American history that have devalued the American creed in order to raise awareness to the fact that if America is to be truly great, it needs to rebuild its founding principles and honor its constitutional rights and responsibilities. This is illustrated in the poems "Let America be America Again" by Langston Hughes and the Inaugural Poem "The Hill We Climb" by Amanda Gorman. The selected works focus on America as a work in progress, a country that needs to rebuild and heal in order to achieve the American Dream and live up to its creed. Only then will America be a country of which its citizens can be proud and a role model for other cultures. Thus, to achieve the aspiration of a City upon a Hill, the United States needs to restore and reconstruct itself using the same founding principles to right the wrongs and eliminate anti-American sentiment.

This paper explores the development of the United States from the colonial period to the present, with a particular emphasis on its reputation as the land of opportunity and global superpower. The bright side of America based on the promises of the founding principles and basic traditional values has been the source of unsurpassed national pride and admiration by much of the world. However, the dark side of America has dimmed the beacon of democracy which has been overshadowed by instances of inequality of opportunity based on race, gender and other backgrounds, displacement, exclusion, discrimination, segregation, systemic racism, and mistreatment of its workers. The paper highlights particular events that belong to the tragic side of American history that have devalued the American creed in order to raise awareness to the fact that if America is to be truly great, it needs to rebuild its founding principles and honor its constitutional rights and responsibilities. This is illustrated in the poems "Let America be America Again" by Langston Hughes and the Inaugural Poem "The Hill We Climb" by Amanda Gorman. The selected works focus on America as a work in progress, a country that needs to rebuild and heal in order to achieve the American Dream and live up to its creed. Only then will America be a country of which its citizens can be proud and a role model for other cultures. Thus, to achieve the aspiration of a City upon a Hill, the United States needs to restore and reconstruct itself using the same founding principles to right the wrongs and eliminate anti-American sentiment.

Das politische Denken Ernst Cassirers steht im Mittelpunkt der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit, die von einer kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit der Rezeptionsgeschichte ausgeht und eine spezifische methodische Perspektive einführt, um dieses Problem in einem neuen Licht erscheinen zu lassen und um zu erklären, wie und inwieweit legitim von einem politischen Denken im Falle der Kulturphilosophie Cassirers gesprochen werden kann. Unter der Annahme einer Kontinuitätshypothese wird auf diejenigen Hauptmomente fokussiert, in denen Cassirer die Grundsätze seiner politisch-philosophischen Auffassung entwickelte, und zwar auf die Werke "Leibniz' System in seinen wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen" 1902 und "Freiheit und Form. Studien zur deutschen Geistesgeschichte" 1916: in diesen Untersuchungen über die ethisch-rechtliche Grundlegung der Geisteswissenschaften und über das Problem der Freiheits- und Staatsidee lassen sich zwei Grundmotive aufzeigen, die alle folgenden Entwicklungen der Cassirerschen politischen Reflexionen zwischen dem Ersten Weltkrieg, der Weimarer Republik und dem Nationalsozialismus bestimmen: vom Streit um den Begriff der Nation mit dem Philosophen Bruno Bauch über die Verteidigung des republikanischen Konstitutionalismus am Ende der 1920er Jahre und über die ethisch-rechtlichen Beiträge der Exilzeit in den 1930er Jahren bis hin zum posthumen The Myth of the State 1946. Das Leitmotiv dieser politisch-philosophischen Überlegungen Cassirers ist in der Tat die Betrachtung des Problems der idealistischen Verwandlung des Staatsbegriffs in einen normativen Kulturbegriff bzw. in eine Kulturform unter systematischer Berücksichtigung von der Geschichte der politischen Philosophie und Wissenschaft der europäischen Moderne. In Bezug auf diese Hauptmomente der Cassirerschen politischen Produktion werden ihr philosophisch-geschichtlicher und kultureller Kontext sowie ihre Quellen beleuchtet. ; The political thought of Ernst Cassirer is the focus of the present research work, which starts from a critical assessment of his reception and introduces a specific methodological approach in order to reconsider this issue and to clarify the sense in which it is legitimate to speak of a political thought in Cassirer's Philosophy of Culture. Assuming that there is a continuity in his philosophy, this research focuses on the two fundamental moments in which Cassirer develops the principles of his political thought, that is to say the works "Leibniz' System in seinen wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen" (1902) and "Freiheit und Form. Studien zur deutschen Geistesgeschichte" (1916). In his investigations on the ethical-legal foundation of the Geisteswissenschaften and on the problem of freedom and state can be recognized two crucial issues as the basis of all developments in Cassirer's political thought between the World War I, the Weimar Republic and the Nazism: from the controversy with the philosopher Bruno Bauch about the concept of nation to the defense of a republican constitutionalism at the end of the 20's, from the ethical and legal contributions of the 30's till the inquiries on the political myth in his posthumous work "The Myth of the state" (1946). In this philosophical-political elaboration Cassirer's main concern is to study the problem of the idealistic transformation of the state into a normative cultural concept and into a form of culture in the light of the history of political philosophy and political science in modern Europe. For each of the main points of Cassirer's political production are therefore highlighted the historical-philosophical and cultural context, along with the sources and the most important references.

Danske pendlere kører fortrinsvist i bil – også i store byer som København. Når rejsetiden er 20 minutter i bil var der blandt pendlere bosiddende i Hovedstaden godt 15 % cyklister, 35 % bilister og 15 % i offentlig transport. De resterende 35 % var enten til fods eller vekslede mellem forskellige transportmidler fra dag til dag. Tilsvarende ved 20 minutter var andelene blandt sjællændere godt 5 % cyklister, 55 % bilister og godt 5 % i offentlig transport. Region Nord- og Midtjylland havde begge 5 % på cykel, 75 % i bil og 5 % i offentlig transport. I Syddanmark sås ved 20 minutters rejsetid 10 % cyklister, 60 % i bil og 5 % i bus/tog. Beregningerne er baseret på data fra en spørgeskemaundersøgelse blandt 2235 pendlere. Vi estimerede elasticitet i transportmiddelvalget med hensyn til rejsetid i bil. Rejsetiderne blev beregnet ved brug af Google Maps Distance Matrix. Pendlerne var alle i beskæftigelse, 18-65 år og med samme fordeling af køn, alder, geografi og uddannelse, som den danske baggrundsbefolkning. Desuden præsenteres en typologi afpendlere, der indeholder 4 overordnede grupperinger. "Bilister uden klare holdninger" (32 %), "grønne pendlere i storbyen" (30 %), "bilister der bor uden for de store byer" (23 %) og endelig "anti-grønne bilister" (15 %). Denne opdeling i pendler-grupperinger indeholdt overraskende få holdninger og kultur.

Das Kopftuch, ein auf den ersten Blick unscheinbar wirkendes, jedoch viel diskutiertes und umstrittenes Stück Stoff, kann als Bedeutungs- und Symbolträger bezeichnet werden. Wie die Kulturgeschichte des Kopftuches zeigt, nimmt es seit Tausenden von Jahren unterschiedlichste Bedeutungen ein und fungiert als gesellschaftspolitische Projektionsfläche für verschiedenste Themen wie die Staatsneutralität, die Geschlechterrollen, die Religionsfreiheit oder die Selbstbestimmung der Frau. In diesem Diskurs wird die eigene, christlich geprägte Kopftuchgeschichte meist ausgeklammert oder als etwas Differentes wahrgenommen. Dieser Aspekt wurde in der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit aufgegriffen und dementsprechende Konvergenzen bzw. Divergenzen aufgezeigt. Diesbezüglich wurden problemzentrierte Interviews mit Kopftuchträgerinnen mit unterschiedlichen kulturellen und religiösen Hintergründen geführt. Es konnte festgestellt werden, dass es "die" Frau mit Kopftuch nicht gibt. Dahinter stehen vielfältige Motive und Bedeutungen, die das Kopftuch zu einem individuellen Persönlichkeitsmerkmal und performativen Objekt werden lassen. Die Stereotypisierungen "der Kopftuchträgerin" spiegeln sich in den Reaktionen der Menschen wider und basieren auf Unwissenheit, Unsicherheiten wie auch Ängsten, die durch die Gesellschaft, aber auch durch die Medien und die Politik hervorgerufen und geprägt werden. Diese auf die muslimische Kopftuchträgerin projizierten Emotionen gründen auf dem verdrängten Eigenen, vor dem wir, nach Sigmund Freud, unsere Augen verschließen möchten und auf das der Titel der vorliegenden Arbeit anspielt. In diesem Sinne soll diese Diplomarbeit einen Beitrag zur Aufklärung leisten sowie das Bild von der medial getränkten Opferrolle der Kopftuchträgerin durch die eigene Kopftuchgeschichte ein wenig auflösen bzw. die Vielfältigkeit und Individualität des Kopftuches in den Mittelpunkt stellen. ; At first sight the headscarf is a nondescript but much discussed piece of cloth and it can be termed as a carrier of meanings and symbols. The cultural history shows, that it expresses different meanings since thousands of years and acts as a socio-political projection surface for various issues such as the neutrality of the state, gender roles, religious freedom or the self determination of women. In this discourse the history of the own, Christian shaped headscarf is ignored or perceived as different. This is the main aspect in my thesis, where I show convergences but also divergences. For this reason, I made interviews with women wearing headscarves with different religious and cultural backgrounds. As a result I ascertained that "the woman with headscarf" doesnt exist, because there are various motives and meanings behind wearing this piece of cloth. So the headscarf becomes an individual personal characteristic and a performative object. The stereotyping and the generalizations of women with headscarves are reflected through the reactions of the people and are based on ignorance, uncertainties or anxieties, which are generated by society, media or politics. According to Sigmund Freud, these projected emotions are based on the supressed own feelings, we do not want to face. This aspect refers to the title of this diploma thesis. In this sense, this present paper should analyse the situation of women wearing headscarves. On the one hand prejudices should be reduced and on the other hand the dominating false pictures of these women should be dissolved. Furthermore the diversity and individuality of the headscarf should be in the focus. ; vorgelegt von Margit Maria Dockner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2014 ; (VLID)269059

Due to effects of a continuous globalization processes, fierce competition, and rapid evolution of technological innovations, the business world is facing multiple challenges going through ever increasing changes in terms of technological, political, social and economic determinants. The nature, speed and quantity of those changes require an effective and timely management of organizations in order to achieve their strategic business objectives and attain superior organizational performance. Therefore it is important to recognize problems and challenges and shape a strategy to keep and maintain organizational success. Such a development has contributed to the significance and wide use of Management Consulting in the economy. The engagement of consultants in as early stage as possible can help companies to successfully cope with the problems encountered and thus protect their investments. The primary focus of this study is to explore how Croatian and Hungarian Management Consulting industries have changed in last decade identifying possible similarities and differences in terms of market and organisational culture in each country. Based on secondary research sources, evolution of administering survey to consultants and micro, small and medium sized enterprises in Croatia and Hungary, this study outlines position and development trends in management consulting exploring following questions: (a) what are differences between two management consultancy's markets?; (b) what are similarities in both markets?; (c) why do companies use management consultancies?; (d) what are major demand factors for business advisory services? In that sense, a comprehensive assessment of the maturity of the consulting market in Hungary and Croatia has been carried out, addressing the changes in consulting services and organisational culture in both countries. ; Zbog učinaka kontinuiranog procesa globalizacije, žestoke konkurencije i brzog razvoja tehnoloških inovacija, poslovni se svijet suočava s višestrukim izazovima prolazeći kroz sve veće promjene u smislu tehnoloških, političkih, društvenih i ekonomskih determinanata. Priroda, brzina i količina tih promjena zahtijevaju učinkovito i pravodobno upravljanje organizacijama kako bi ostvarivale svoje strateške poslovne ciljeve i postizale vrhunske organizacijske performanse. Stoga je važno prepoznati probleme i izazove te oblikovati strategiju za očuvanje i održavanje organizacijskog uspjeha. Takav razvoj je pridonio značenju i širokoj upotrebi menadžment konzaltinga u gospodarstvu. Angažman konzultanata u što ranijoj fazi može pomoći tvrtkama da se uspješno nose s problemima s kojima se sreću i time zaštite svoja ulaganja. Primarni fokus ove studije jest istražiti kako se u posljednjem desetljeću promijenila hrvatska i mađarska poslovna savjetodavna industrija identificirajući moguće sličnosti i razlike u smislu tržišne i organizacijske kulture u svakoj zemlji. Na temelju sekundarnih izvora istraživanja, evaluacije provedbe ankete među konzultantima i mikro, malim i srednjim poduzećima u Hrvatskoj i Mađarskoj, ova studija ukazuje na poziciju i razvojne trendove u menadžment savjetovanju istražujući sljedeća pitanja: (a) koje su razlike između dvaju konzultantskih tržišta; (b) koje su sličnosti na dvama tržištima; (c) zašto tvrtke koriste menadžment konzalting usluge; (d) koji su glavni faktori potražnje za poslovne savjetodavne usluge? U tom je smislu provedena sveobuhvatna procjena zrelosti tržišta konzalting usluga u Hrvatskoj i Mađarskoj, apostrofirajući promjene u konzultantskim uslugama i organizacijskoj kulturi u obje zemlje.

Becoming Danish/Christian and becoming Muslim are skills that may be acquired in the secularized school system. This study explores how social structure and the politics of identity and knowledge in relation to religion intertwine when recontextualized in the classroom of the Danish comprehensive school post 9-11. Through close readings of what takes place at a classroom level in two Copenhagen schools, Pedagogized Muslimness provides insights into how the Nordic model of comprehensive schooling – in the (post-)welfare state – plays out in daily school life and with what effects. The book provides a deeper understanding of how knowledge is produced in school, and how school operates as an arena for the production and distribution of social difference. The good pupil is the pupil that speaks of her/himself, acting as a subject, or who, by confirming the teacher's organizing of her/himself, accepts being made into an object upon which knowledge can be generated. Particularly overexposed are the pupils, whom the teachers identify as 'Muslim', something which draws on decades of casting this group of children as special objects of – as well as obstacles to – schooling. By the late 1970s and the early 1980s, the children of migrants came to be defined by their parents' relation to the labor market: as 'foreign workers' in often unskilled jobs, associated with rural life and 'traditional family patterns', and characterized by what was seen as their (lack of) language skills. In the course of several moral panics around 'Muslims' and 'Muslim children', this focus has translated into a knowledge formation of culture/religion. The book shows how school-produced Muslimness, in the pedagogized social economy of the classroom, becomes a parameter of social class, higher as well as lower.

There is considerable geographical overlap between areas set aside for nature conservation or protection and Indigenous peoples' lands, and the social, economic, and political consequences of protected areas have often been extensive for Indigenous peoples. Discourses of conservation converge with discourses of Indigenous peoples, and both carry a legacy of colonial constructs and relationships. With these overlaps as a point of departure, the purpose of this thesis is to explore how the discourses that govern nature conservation and protected areas shape the conditions for Indigenous peoples' influence and participation in the governance and management of protected areas on their lands. I pursue this aim by analyzing, and critically examining the consequences of, the construction of Indigenous subject positions and conditions for agency in discourses of nature conservation and protected areas. The empirical focus of the thesis lies with international discourses of protected areas and Indigenous peoples and on local and national discourses articulated in relation to two cases of protected areas in Sápmi. My analytical framework builds on postcolonial theory and discourse theory. I use space for agency as a concept to describe and analyze the effects of the discursive positionings and constructions that shape the ability or capacity of individuals or group to act or to be perceived as legitimate actors. My results show twomain articulations of Indigenous subject positions in protected area discourses, which enable and restrain the space for Indigenous agency in different ways. One articulation connects Indigenous peoples to conservation through the concept of traditional knowledge, thereby positioning Indigenous subjects mainly as holders of traditional knowledge and justifying Indigenous influence by its potential contribution to conservation objectives. The other articulation focuses on the rights pertaining to Indigenous peoples as peoples, including land rights and the right to selfdetermination. These articulations are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but they have potentially different consequences and indicate discursive tensions that can affect the space for Indigenous agency in relation to protected areas. Moreover, my results demonstrate the hegemony of discourses that takes conservation through area protection for granted and subordinates Indigenous land use to conservation objectives, structure Indigenous agency as "participation" in specific types of arrangement, and articulate Indigenous rights in relation to hegemonic constructions of sovereignty, self-determination, and rights. These hegemonic formations silence articulations that would challenge the authority of colonizing societies over Indigenous territories, suppress radical critique of the fundamental nature of arrangements for protected area governance and management, and subdue alternatives to discourses of contemporary liberal democracy and individual property rights.

The paper reflects on recent developments towards authoritarianism and right-wing populism that have become apparent in a number of Western societies and aims at pinpointing possible cultural foundations for this trend. Using the example of the German PEGIDA movement and the wider milieu in which it is embedded, it identifies and describes a rapidly spreading culture of mistrust and discusses some of its political and epistemological implications. In a second step, the paper draws on Luc Boltanski's theory of justification in order to attain a better understanding of this political movement's specificities. It is argued that it is a quasi-violent refusal of justification which is constitutive for the movement in question, thereby transcending the reach of Boltanski's framework to some extent. In a third step, a closer look is taken at the epistemological paradox that results from the fact that a number of the PEGIDA movement's crucial points of criticism are effectively shared by a larger part of the overall population, raising severe problems for the question of sociological critique. The paper utilizes ideas by Bruno Latour in order to illuminate this paradox further and examine its consequences. It closes with remarks on the possibility to "reassemble" trust and critique as crucial but contested – and, hence, precarious – foundations of modern society. ; Tekst se bavi skorašnjim razvojem u pravcu autoritarizma i desničarskog popu- lizma koji je postao vidljiv u velikom broju zapadnih društava i pokušava da označi moguće kulturalno zasnivanje ovog trenda. Koristeći primer nemačkog pokreta PEGIDA i šireg miljea u koji je ugrađen, u tekstu se identifikuje i opisuje brzo širenje kulture nepoverenja i diskutuju neke od njenih političkih i epistemoloških implikacija. U drugom koraku, tekst se okreće teoriji opravdanja Lika Boltanskog, kako bi se postiglo bolje razumevanje ovog političkog pokreta. Argumentuje se da je kvazi-nasilno odbijanje opravdanja konstitutivno za ovaj pokret, te se stoga u izvesnoj meri transcendira okvir koji je postavio Boltanski. U trećem koraku, više pažnje je posvećeno epistemološkom paradoksu koji nastaje iz činjenice da su brojne glavne kritike koje iznosi pokret PEGIDA zajedničke za veći deo ukupne populacije, što dovodi do ozbiljnih problema za pitanje sociološke kritike. Tekst se koristi idejama Bruna Latura da bi bolje rasvetlio ovaj paradoks i ispitao njegove posledice. Zaključuje se sa primedbama o mogućnosti da se "ponovo združe" poverenje i kritika kao ključni, ali osporavani – i prema tome prekarni – temelji modernog društva.

This paper presents the articulation of the concept of military culture based on specific contextual factors that contribute to the internal dynamics and interrelations of society and the armed forces. This time, these factors pertain to the value system that forms the basis of national culture, professional ethos, and other elements of military ceremony and rules of conduct that affect group cohesion and a sense of community. In addition, the paper presents theories of civil-military relations that have been used to interpret and analyse some characteristics of military culture. ; Artikulacija koncepta vojne kulture predstaviće se na osnovu određenih kontekstualnih faktora koji doprinose unutrašnjoj dinamici i međuodnosima društva i oružanih snaga. Ti faktori se ovaj put odnose na sistem vrednosti na kojima je utemeljena nacionalna kultura, profesionalni etos i druge elemente vojne ceremonije i pravila ponašanja koji utiču na grupnu koheziju i osećaj zajedništva. Takođe, u ovom radu će se predstaviti teorije civilno-vojnih odnosa koje su u svojim razmatranjima interpretirale i analizirale neka obeležja vojne kulture.

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

Baggrundspapiret har fokus på samfundsmæssige konsekvenser og afledte effekter af råstofprojekter i Grønland. Papiret fokuserer på de forskellige faser for råstofprojekter og gennemgår de formelle krav og metoder, der anvendes til vurdering af råstoffernes effekter på samfundet i Grønland i dag: Social Impact Assessment (SIA) og Impact Benefit Agreement (IBA).

This paper discusses the relationship between social (or cultural) anthropology and cultural studies. During the crisis of representation in the 1980s, anthropology rediscussed its own theoretical positions becoming aware of its political and epistemological positions which pushed the discipline towards the growing trends in cultural studies. This opened up anthropology to various theoretical paradigms that did not originate in the anthropology itself (such as theory of deconstruction, various theories of agency and so on), while at the same time, anthropology still got tied to ethnography as it is core methodological principle. In the meantime, cultural studies lost the political edge they had at a time when it seemed that "cultural studies will be the death of anthropology" facing the crisis of critique, and it seems that it is time for cultural studies to take a look at anthropology. That does not mean that "anthropology will be the death of cultural studies", but rather that cultural studies can meet anthropology through the dialogue with current anthropological paradigms that seem rather distant from the current trends in cultural studies. Primarily, I believe that so-called ontological turn in anthropology deals with radical cultural alterity and calls for the rethinking of current epistemological and political positions in social sciences. Regardless of the position one takes for/against those theoretical developments, the dialogue between these two disciplines should open up space for a new critical rethinking of the contemporary world. ; U ovom radu razmatra se odnos između socio-kulturne antropologije i studija kulture sa dodatnim osvrtom na njihov odnos u domaćoj sredini. Sa pojavom tzv. "krize reprezentacije" osamdesetih godina prošlog veka preispitujući svoje političke i epistemološke pozicije, antropologija je postala svesna svojih političkih pozicija i upustila se u dijalog sa tada narastajućim trendovima studija kulture. Ovaj dijalog doveo je do otvaranja antropologije prema različitim teorijskim paradigmama koje nisu dolazile iz same discipline, već iz različitih pravaca studija kulture (dekonstruktivistička kritika, različite teorije "moći delovanja"), pri tome se najčešće i dalje (s pravom) držeći ideje da je specifičnost antropologije "terenski rad" - određena vrsta etnografske imaginacije. U međuvremenu, sa "krizom kritike", studije kulture izgubile su politički zamajac iz vremena kada se činilo da će "studije kulture biti smrt antropologije", te je situacija danas takva da su studije kulture te koje bi svoju kritičku oštricu mogle da povrate oslanjajući se na neke nove paradigme iz antropologije. To ne znači da će "antropologija biti smrt studija kulture", već pre da se kroz dijalog sa paradigmama koje se čine prilično udaljenim od savremenih kretanja u studijama kulture (kao što je "ontološki obrt") otvori prostor za istinsko promišljanje savremenog sveta, čemu su studije kulture oduvek težile.