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This article concerns the dating and distribution of Danish runestones from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. On the basis of both old and more recent investigations, the runestones are divided into five chronological periods each with their own characteristics and according to typological features regarding runes, language, style, and ornament. The majority of Danish runestones were erected within two generations after the conversion around AD 970–1020/25 and probably as a result of the stress and societal changes in connection with the advent of Christianity. The geographical distribution changed dramatically during the 400 year long runestone period and was probably due to the changing political situation. In the eighth and ninth centuries, runestones were mainly erected on Fyn, Sjælland, and Skåne. Runestones were almost exclusively erected in Jutland in the tenth century before the conversion and in the decades around the year 1000, runestones were erected in the north-eastern parts of Jutland and along the coast in Skåne. The runestone fashion died out in most parts of Denmark during the eleventh century, although on Bornholm the tradition began in the early eleventh century and came to an end within afew generations in the late eleventh century or around AD 1100.

The Danish Meteorological Institute celebrated its centennial on 1 April this year and on the same date the Ionosphere Laboratory, a division under the Meteorological Institute, observed its tenth anniversary, although its history goes back almost twenty years. The idea of establishing an Ionosphere Laboratory was first conceived by the active and foresighted Professor P. O. Pedersen . During the Second Polar Year 1932-33 Pedersen wanted to build an ionosphere station in Godhavn . but it was not until 1951 that his wish was fulfilled by his assistant and later successor, Professor Jørgen Rybner. The year before, the U.S. Department of Commerce's National Bureau of Standards had established an ionosphere station at the American military base in southern Greenland and in 1957 when the U.S. Armed Forces left what is now called Narssarssuaq, Professor Rybner also undertook the responsibility for this station in his capacity as the Chairman of the Danish National Committee of the International Radio Union (URSI). It was realized that operation of the Greenlandic stations would only be feasible if there were an active group in Copenhagen to analyze the ionosphere data obtained and to train the station personnel before leaving for Greenland. To fill this need Professor Rybner founded a laboratory at the Technical University based upon support from local URSI funds. At the same time rapid technological development made possible measurements in the ionosphere with instruments launched with rockets or from satellites. Using the resources at the new laboratory, Professor Rybner in 1961 accepted a Norwegian proposal for a joint campaign with rocket launchings from Andøya in Lofoten, Norway, in cooperation with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). This project formed the basis later for a Greenlandic ionosphere rocket program. . it was deemed desirable to change the laboratory supported under the Danish URSI Committee to an official laboratory under the Technical University of Denmark. . on 1 April 1962 the Ionosphere Laboratory was established at the University . Recordings of naturally generated electromagnetic noise at very low frequencies (VLF recordings), and studies had been made at Godhavn and Narssarssuaq for some years when , in 1964, a "VLF-station" was established at the Danish site Thule, approximately 80 miles north of Thule Air Base [AB]. Financial support was given by the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) and locally by the U.S. Army Research Support Group (USARSG). When in 1966 the American scientific camp situated approximately 16 miles east of Thule AB was closed down, the U.S. ionosphere station there was transferred to the Danish station at Thule; an ionosonde was made available from the U.S.A. and a building of 150 sq. m. was moved from the camp to the station by helicopter! The U.S. National Science Foundation supported the operation for the following three years until the Danish Government took over financial responsibility. Between 1966 and 1968 the Ionosphere Laboratory was reorganized involving among other administrative changes the establishment of an independent Danish Space Research Institute for work with balloons, rockets and satellites. Today, ten years after it was officially established with a staff of four, the Laboratory with a staff of twenty, is continuing its ionospheric research based largely upon the operations of the Greenlandic observatories at Godhavn, Narssarssuaq, and Thule. Although it is administered and financed by the Danish Meteorological Institute, it is still located at the Technical University north of Copenhagen, and maintains close cooperation with other laboratories at the University in teaching and providing guidance to graduate students. [Included are summaries of research under the following headings: ground-based measurements, vertical soundings, cosmic noise absorption measurements, whistler and VLF emissions, auroral electrojet activity, the polar ionization, geomagnetic micropulsation studies, the polar slant E condition, stratospheric balloon measurements, high altitude meteorological observations, ionospheric rocket experiment, and electric field measurements].

Housing was a backbone of the Danish welfare state, but this has been profoundly challenged by the past decades of neoliberal housing politics. In this article we outline the rise of the Danish model of association-based housing on the edge of the market economy (and the state). From this, we demonstrate how homes in private cooperatives through political interventions in the context of a booming real estate market have plunged into the market economy and been transformed into private commodities in all but name, and we investigate how non-profit housing associations frontally and stealthily are attacked through neoliberal reforms. This carries the seeds for socio-spatial polarization and may eventually open the gate for commodification – and thus the dismantling of the little that is left of a socially just housing sector. Yet, while the association-based model was an accessary to the commodification of cooperative housing, it can possibly be an accomplice in sustaining non-profit housing as a housing commons.

This case study analyses the effects of the Danish pesticide tax (1996-2013) on agriculture which was introduced as an ad valorem tax in 1996, doubled in 1998, and redesigned in 2013 as a tax based on the toxicity of the pesticides. The Danish pesticide taxes probably represent the world's highest pesticide taxes on agriculture, which makes it interesting to analyze how effective they have been. Here the effects of the ad valorem tax (1996-2013) are analyzed. The case study demonstrates the challenges of choosing an optimal tax design in a complex political setting where, additionally, not all individuals in the target group necessarily react to the economic incentives as predicted by economic modeling. It also demonstrates that a small first green-tax-step over time might develop into a better tax design.

Introduction Choosing Wisely has been introduced in more than 20 countries. In Denmark, the Vælg Klogt initiative was launched in the spring of 2020. The aim of Vælg Klogt is to reduce unnecessary and potentially harmful tests, treatments and procedures in healthcare. Vælg Klogt also contributes to the implementation of shared decision-making. This study explored knowledge of the Danish Vælg Klogt initiative among patient associations and scientific societies in Denmark. Methods This was a cross-sectional questionnaire study among patient associations and scientific societies. Descriptive and content analyses were used to interpret the quantitative and qualitative results, respectively. Results Both the patient associations and the scientific societies had little knowledge of Vælg Klogt; still, they agreed that overuse and waste occurs in Danish healthcare. The reasons are multifactorial, but both parties mentioned a fear of making mistakes and a lack of communication between departments. The initiative is welcomed, provided recommendations are based on evidence, integrated into clinical guidelines, well communicated and prepared in collaboration between patients and physicians. Conclusions Knowledge of the Danish Vælg Klogt initiative is scarce and implementation of Vælg Klogt must include extensive communication to patients, physicians, leaders and politicians. However, the mutual agreement between patient associations and scientific societies on the reasons for overuse promises well for the initiative.

We describe the statistical model used for profiling new unemployed workers in Denmark. When a worker – during his or her first six months in unemployment – enters the employment office for the first time, this model predicts whether he or she will be unemployed for more than six months from that date or not. The case workers? assessment of how to treat the person is partially based upon this prediction.

Today, extensive research is devoted to assess the effects of demersal trawling on the marine ecosystem, but only few of such studies considered the Danish seine. Danish seines and bottom trawls are grouped together in the legislation. Trawling is more common and responsible for the major part of the total landings where the seine fleet and catches are decreasing. The Danish seine is a specific type of encircling net to catch demersal fish. It is characterized by moderate fuel consumption and no use of heavy weights or doors, probably resulting in a relatively gentle bottom-contact and low interactions with the seabed compared to e.g. traditional trawling. However, the assumptions on the more environmental friendliness in seining are not sufficiently addressed. The present study aims at increasing the knowledge on Danish seining including its effect on the benthic ecosystem. The study starts with a comparison of existing catch data for Danish seines and trawls and continues with several substudies: Detailed description of all stages of the seining process to get a basis for the following investigations. Selectivity trials to support existing data, whereby both economically valuable and economically non-valuable species will be regarded Estimation of potential interactions of the gear with the sea bottom Assessment of survival chance of discarded animals Observation of fish behavior during capture process Combination of all single parts to provide an overall picture of effects of the Danish seine fishery on the marine environment This study may contribute to increase understanding the catching process in the seine fishery and the gears interaction with seabed during the different stages of the fishing process. The outcome of such studies will be highly relevant in future discussions on the impacts Danish seining may has on the marine environment and the faunal diversity and to maintain viable fisheries in the future

For five years during World War II, Denmark was occupied by Germany. While the Danish reaction to this period of its history has been extensively discussed in Danish-language publications, it has not until now received a thorough treatment in English. Set in the context of modern Danish foreign relations, and tracing the country's responses to successive crises and wars in the region, Danish Reactions to German Occupation brings a full overview of the occupation to an English-speaking audience. Holbraad carefully dissects the motivations and ideologies driving conduct during the occupation, and his authoritative coverage of the preceding century provides a crucial link to understanding the forces behind Danish foreign policy divisions. Analysing the conduct of a traumatised and strategically exposed small state bordering on an aggressive great power, the book traces a development from reluctant cooperation to active resistance. In doing so, Holbraad surveys and examines the subsequent, and not yet quite finished, debate among Danish historians about this contested period, which takes place between those siding with the resistance and those more inclined to justify limited cooperation with the occupiers – and who sometimes even condone various acts of collaboration

The present article is about English adverbial present participle clauses (‑ing clauses) and their relation to Danish. The purpose of the investigation is to describe how the information expressed in ‑ing clauses is expressed in Danish, in which this grammatical construction normally does not occur. The data consists of English ‑ing clauses and translational equivalents found in the parallel corpus European Parliament Proceedings Parallel Corpus. It is discovered that equivalent English and Danish expressions typically have the same semantic role despite being structured differently, but that the semantic role is usually more explicit in Danish. This is because the frequent absence of explicit subordinator in ‑ing clauses makes their semantic role understandable only through context whereas the different structures of the Danish equivalents often include an explicit indicator of the semantic role. ; The present article is about English adverbial present participle clauses (‑ing clauses) and their relation to Danish. The purpose of the investigation is to describe how the information expressed in ‑ing clauses is expressed in Danish, in which this grammatical construction normally does not occur. The data consists of English ‑ing clauses and translational equivalents found in the parallel corpus European Parliament Proceedings Parallel Corpus. It is discovered that equivalent English and Danish expressions typically have the same semantic role despite being structured differently, but that the semantic role is usually more explicit in Danish. This is because the frequent absence of explicit subordinator in ‑ing clauses makes their semantic role understandable only through context whereas the different structures of the Danish equivalents often include an explicit indicator of the semantic role.

Addressing the complex challenges that fragile states face is an important area for action on the international development cooperation agenda. Danish development cooperation prioritizes countries that are considered fragile states. This DIIS Working Paper provides an overview of Danish aid to fragile states and reviews Danish aid delivery approaches in six countries: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Palestine, and Somalia. These countries are labelled as "poor, fragile" priority countries in Denmark's Strategy for Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Action. The paper focuses on cooperation modalities implemented through country programmes. While the country programmes include a mix of modalities tailored to the diverse contexts profiled, the paper points to a growing emphasis on multilateral organisations as implementation partners. This indicates potential for further analysis of the consequences of intermediated cooperation for aid management and development effectiveness. The paper also concludes that the complementarity between development cooperation administered inside and outside country programmes, and the clarification of activities contributing to conflict prevention goals are worthy of further study.

Am 15. September 2011 nahmen rekordverdächtige 88 Prozent der wahlberechtigten Dä-nen an den Wahlen zum dänischen Parlament, dem Folketing, teil. Dieser Artikel präsen-tiert eine kurze Zusammenfassung des Wahlkampfes. Unabhängig davon, welche Seite den Wahlkampf gewinnen würde, ein Ergebnis stand bereits vorab fest: Eine außerge-wöhnliche Phase dänischer Politik ging zu Ende. Nach zehn Jahren mit einer rechtslibe-ral-konservativen Minderheitsregierung, gestützt von der Dänischen Volkspartei, bewegte die dänische Politik sich zurück zu ihrem gängigen modus operandi: Zentrumsparteien bestimmen, wer Regierungschef wird. Mit lediglich einigen tausend Stimmen Vorsprung gewann der rote Block, gestützt von den Sozialliberalen, die Wahlen, und die neue Regie-rungschefin Dänemarks wurde die Sozialdemokratin Helle Thorning-Schmidt. In diesem Artikel werden die politische Situation vor der Wahl, der Verlauf des Wahlkampfes und das Wahlergebnis aus einer historischen Perspektive beschrieben. Außerdem geht es kurz um die Herausforderungen, der die neue Regierung gegenübersteht. ; On September 15, 2011 a record-high turn-out of 88 percent of the approx. 4 million Danes eligible to vote for the Danish parliament, the Folketing, was reached. This paper gives a short descriptive summary of the 2011 Danish election campaign. Irrespective of which side would win the position as primeminister, one thing was given: an exceptional era in Danish politics was coming to an end. After ten years of a Right Liberal-Conservative minority government supported by the Danish People's Party, Danish poli-tics would return to its classic modus operandi of centrist parties determining the prime-minister. By a margin of a few thousand votes, the red block won the elections and the new prime minister of Denmark is the Social Democrat Helle Thorning-Schmidt. This article describes the political context prior to the election campaign, the course of the election campaign, furthermore it presents the election results in a historical perspective and shortly discusses the challenges the new government is facing.

The "Muhammad crisis," the "Muhammad Cartoon Crisis," or "The Jyllands-Posten Crisis" are three different headings used for the global, violent reactions that broke out in early 2006. The cartoon crisis was triggered by the publication of 12 cartoons in the largest Danish daily newspaper Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005 and the Danish governments refusal to meet with 11 concerned ambassadors. However, Jyllands-Posten's record on covering Islam; the ever growing restrictive identity politics and migration policies and the popular association of Islam with terrorism made it predictable that something drastic would eventually happen, although neither the form of the counter-reaction or the stubborn anti-Islamic forces were unknown. This collection of chapters seeks to fill out some of the most glaring holes in the media coverage and academic treatment of the Muhammad cartoon story. It will do so by situating the conflict more firmly in its proper socio-historical context by drawing on the author's basic research on the Danish news media's coverage of ethnic and religious minorities since the mid 1990s. The author uses thick contextualization to analyze this very current theme in IMER studies, which has consequences for most immigrants of non-Western countries to the Nordic countries.

Denne ph.d.-afhandling er et produkt af mit ph.d.-projekt udført i et samarbejde mellem DTU Management, Tekniske Universitet Danmark, Forskningsenheden for Almen Praksis ved Syddansk Universitet og Forskningsenheden for Almen Praksis ved Kbenhavns Universitet. Afhandlingen præsenterer forskningsundersøgelsen og en samling af tre forskningsartikler udarbejdet i perioden fra maj 2010 til juni 2014. Relationel koordinering og organisatorisk social kapital er mål for en organisations ydedygtighed. Relationel koordinering analyserer kommunikation og netværk hvor igennem arbejdet koordineres på tværs af funktionelle og organisatoriske grænser. Tidligere undersøgelser har vist, at relationel koordinering er positivt forbundet med levering af pleje og behandling af patienter med kronisk sygdom. Organisatorisk social kapital anvendes, når man analyserer det psykosociale arbejdsmiljø i organisationer, og ses som en kraftfuld ressource til at forbedre organisationens præstationer. Relationel koordinering og organisatorisk social kapital kan give ny indsigt og muligheder for udvikling af almen praksis. Almen praksis giver omkostningseektiv, first-line service og fungerer som en sluse for resten af sundhedssektoren. Almen praksis står over for en række voksende krav - mange praktiserende læger er tæt på pensionsalderen, samt stigende krav til omfattende styring og koordinering af patientforløb. Hverken forskere eller politikere har fundet frem til hvordan disse voksende krav kan løses. Dette ph.d.-projekt har målt relationel koordinering og organisatorisk social kapital i dansk almen praksis. Projektet viste, at praktiserende læger bedømte relationelle koordinering og organisatorisk social kapital i deres praksis højere end sekretærer og sygeplejersker. Ydermere, havde sole praksis højere relationelle koordinering og organisatorisk social kapital end samarbejdes og kompagni praksis. Der var ingen evidens for en sammenhæng mellem relationel koordinering og patienters evalueringer af almen praksis. Projektet viste yderligere at almen praksis med høj relationel koordination også havde høj produktivitet. ; This PhD dissertation is a product of my PhD project carried out in collaboration between DTU Management Engineering, The Technical University of Denmark, Research Unit for General Practice at University of Southern Denmark, and Research Unit for General Practice at University of Copenhagen. The dissertation present the research study and a collection of three research papers prepared during the period from May 2010 to June 2014. Relational coordination and organisational social capital are measures of novel aspects of an organisation's performance. Relational coordination analyse the communication and relationship networks through which work is coordinated across functional and organisational boundaries. Previous studies have shown that relational coordination is positively associated with delivery of care for patients with chronic illness. Organisational social capital is used when analysing the psychosocial work environment in organisations, and is seen as a powerful resources for improving organisational performance. Relational coordination and organisational social capital may oer new insight and opportunities for general practice to learn. General practice provides cost-efficient, first-line service and mindful gatekeeping. General practice are faced with a series of growing demands - from many GPs being close to retirement, to the increasing demands for comprehensive management and coordination of patient care. Neither researchers nor politicians have found solutions to overcome the growing demands. This PhD project has measured relational coordination and organisational social capital in Danish general practice. The project found that GP rated relational coordination and organisational social capital in their general practice higher than the secretaries and nurses, and single-handed practices had higher rating of both relational coordination and organisational social capital than cooperative and partnership practices. There was no evidence for an association between relational coordination and patient evaluation of general practice. However, general practice with high ratings of relational coordination was also found to have high productivity.

This essay asks how one can understand the radicalisation of Danish politics in a xenophobic direction, the ascendancy to power of the extreme right-wing party, Dansk Folkeparti (DF), its electoral successes and its collaboration with the conservative-liberal government that won the election, with support from DF, in 2001. In focus stands the hostile attitude towards immigrants and refugees in political discourse and in new legislation and the strong emphasis on the primacy, preservation and care for everything -Danish,- which the liberal-conservative Government and its allies have placed at the center of Danish politics. The question is raised, and the argument is made, that this xenophobic turn in politics can be understood as -fascism-, as it has been conceptualized in recent years. This entails a critical discussion also of a concept more commonly used, namely -populism-. I argue that if we instead of ideological content focus on populism, as Ernesto Laclau has suggested, as a style and logic of articulation, the power securing strategy comes into view and the closeness to fascism surface. Then we can see that many key-issues in danish politics today are rooted in classical fascist ideas such as organic nationalism, anti-elitism, racism and rebirth, but more importantly, that there is ground for such a strong charge considering the power-securing strategies: the mild forms of -cleansing- by silencing criticism and expelling foreigners, the popular -anti-elitist- rhetoric, the aggressive style and the intense work for changing all legislation dealing with immigrants and asylum in a restrictive direction. A conclusion is that one must look at the xenophobic and extremist political development as the result of a long-standing conscious and energetically forwarded pursuit, together with succesful alliances and tottering resistance and acquiescence rather than as mere political opportunism, an electoral -accident- or, as fascists have it, as the true voice of the people.

How has Danish development policy evolved, and what are the underlying driving forces of these changes? Drawing on Peter Hall's framework, this article identifies recent changes in Danish development policy as a gradual shift of policy paradigm during the years in the new millennium. The size of development aid, the use of policy instruments, and the goal hierarchies in development policy all changed. The proportion of aid to GNI has been reduced by more than 30 percent, the composition of aid has changed in that allocations for country programs in the poorest countries have declined. Finally, the overall purpose of aid is no longer solely poverty reduction. In explaining these changes, the article shows that they emerged as a result of a politicization of aid preceded by a shift in the locus of authority.