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Background: According to common practice based on a generally agreed interpretation of Icelandic law on the rights of patients, health care professionals cannot discuss prognosis and treatment with a patient's family without that patient's consent. This limitation poses ethical problems, because research has shown that, in the absence of insight and communication regarding a patient's impending death, patient's significant others may subsequently experience long-term psychological distress. It is also reportedly important for most dying patients to know that health care personnel are comfortable with talking about death and dying. There is only very limited information concerning gender differences regarding death talk in terminal care patients. Methods: This is a retrospective analysis of detailed prospective "field notes" from chaplain interviews of all patients aged 30–75 years receiving palliative care and/or with DNR (do not resuscitate) written on their charts who requested an interview with a hospital chaplain during a period of 3 years. After all study patients had died, these notes were analyzed to assess the prevalence of patient-initiated discussions regarding their own impending death and whether non-provocative evocation-type interventions had facilitated such communication. Results: During the 3-year study period, 195 interviews (114 men, 81 women) were conducted. According to the field notes, 80% of women and 30% of men initiated death talk within the planned 30-minute interviews. After evoking interventions, 59% (67/114) of men and 91% (74/81) of women engaged in death talk. Even with these interventions, at the end of the first interview gender differences were still statistically significant (p = 0.001). By the end of the second interview gender difference was less, but still statistically significant (p = 0.001). Conclusions: Gender differences in terminal care communication may be radically reduced by using simple evocation methods that are relatively unpretentious, but require considerable clinical training. Men in terminal care are more reluctant than women to enter into discussion regarding their own impending death in clinical settings. Intervention based on non-provocative evocation methods may increase death talk in both genders, the relative increase being higher for men. Keywords: Death, Terminal care, Communication, Evocation, Gender ; Funding was provided by the National University Hospital, the Icelandic Centre for Research (RANNIS), Iceland and the Stockholm County Council, Health Services, Sweden. All funding bodies are official governmental institutions providing academic freedom. ; Peer Reviewed

The appearance of corpses in rubbish tips is not a recent phenomenon. In Argentina, tips have served not only as sites for the disposal of bodies but also as murder scenes. Many of these other bodies found in such places belong to individuals who have suered violent deaths, which go on to become public issues, or else are 'politicised deaths'. Focusing on two cases that have received diering degrees of social, political and media attention – Diego Duarte, a 15-year-old boy from a poor background who went waste-picking on an open dump and never came back, and Ángeles Rawson, a girl of 16 murdered in the middle-class neighbourhood of Colegiales, whose body was found in the same tip – this article deals with the social meanings of bodies that appear in landlls. In each case, there followed a series of events that placed a certain construction on the death – and, more importantly, the life – of the victim. Corpses, once recognised, become people, and through this process they are given new life. It is my contention that bodies in rubbish tips express – and congure – not only the limits of the social but also, in some cases, the limits of the human itse ; Fil: Perelman, Mariano Daniel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

Whilst the 'green state debate' has primarily focused on a narrow range of usual suspects in the developed world, the debate can be enriched and challenged by considering more diverse cases. Viewing African states from a green state perspective invites empirical reassessment of the geographical scope of the concept, and introduces a new set of conceptual questions about the political significance of transitions in environmental governance. Ecological modernisation theory has largely neglected African states because it is assumed that African states are weak, failing, or failed, and that environmentalism is a post-materialist phenomenon. Whilst both assumptions can be challenged empirically, a biopolitical perspective on the African environmental state, drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, can both position African state development within a longer-term context and challenge some assumptions of ecological modernisation. Examples from Egypt, South Africa, and the Kavango-Zambezi Trans-frontier Conservation Area highlight underestimated continuities in environmental state practices. The international and transnational drivers of the green state in Africa are emphasised, as well as the political dangers of a green 'state building' project.

The influence of Foucault on studies of social movements, dissent and protest is not as direct as might be imagined. He is generally regarded as focusing more on the analysis of power and government than forms of resistance. This is reflected in the governmentality literature, which tends to treat dissent and protest as an afterthought, or failure of government. However, Foucault's notion of 'counter-conducts' has much to offer the study of dispersed, heterogeneous and variegated forms of resistance in contemporary global politics. Using the protests that have accompanied summits including Seattle, Johannesburg, Prague, London and Copenhagen to illustrate an analytics of protest in operation, this article shows how a Foucauldian perspective can map the close interrelationship between regimes of government and practices of resistance. By adopting a practices and mentalities focus, rather than an actor-centric approach, and by seeking to destabilize the binaries of power and resistance, and government and freedom, that have structured much of political thought, an analytics of protest approach illuminates the mutually constitutive relationship between dominant power relationships and counter-conducts, and shows how protests both disrupt and reinforce the status quo, at the same time. © 2010 Taylor&Francis.

Tanzania's experiences of development aid partnerships and environmental mainstreaming have been widely praised in recent years, yet the country continues to suffer from considerable problems of poverty, food insecurity and ecological degradation. As such it constitutes an interesting case study through which to examine hypotheses on global environmental governance. Looking specifically at claims that environmental governance is increasingly "post-sovereign", this article assesses the degree to which environmental management in Tanzania is becoming "non-exclusive", "non-hierarchical", and "post-territorial". It argues that evidence for non-exclusivity is plentiful, given the extent of foreign donor, private sector, and civil society inclusion in governance processes. Rather than the absence of hierarchy, the article suggests the existence of multiple hierarchies produced by both the transnationalisation of environmental politics as well as the complex nature of the Tanzanian state. Finally, rather than a trend towards post-territorialisation, the research suggests that environmental governance should be seen within a longer trajectory of greater state penetration, monitoring, surveillance and intrusion into rural life. It concludes that environmental governance is significantly transforming the Tanzanian state and that this is characteristic of changes in environmental governance worldwide. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

Selective Death RateThe same thought that had occurred to Charles Darwin ten years earlier occurred to Alfred Russel Wallace recovering from a bout of malaria on an Indonesian island. Each had been considering Malthus' theory that population growth would always exceed growth in food supply, dooming many to death. Both had the same question, "Which ones will die?" and both came up with the same answer, "The ones least able to live."They presented together the notion that evolution proceeds by a selective death rate. Those least equipped to survive and to breed would die off at a higher rate than those better equipped, leading to the development of new species that incorporated the innovation that improved their chances.A similar selective death rate operates, when it is allowed to, in a market economy. Innovations occur in products, services and organization, and the most successful ones survive at the expense of those less well equipped to compete with them. In market economies, flux, rather than stasis, is the norm. Few of the companies in the top hundred remain there for decades as technological change combines with changing tastes to erode their market share.Existing firms often use political clout to make life difficult for newcomers, using regulation to raise costs and barriers against new entrants. This is not the free market at work, but the use of legislative influence to thwart its operation. The coach operators lobbied Parliament to insist that the new motor cars must be preceded by a man on foot with a red flag. Progress, growth and consumer satisfaction are maximized when a selective death rate is allowed to cull the businesses that can no longer survive on merit.Innovations which increase productivity and growth lead to job losses. It is the way of the world. Those job losses are resisted by political representatives more anxious to secure the support of present voters than to make life better for future ones. But countries prosper more if they allow that selective death rate to operate instead of trying to resist its effect by subsidies and trade barriers to protect extant businesses at the expense of future ones.Sir Karl Popper made the famous observation that the aim of politics is not to select the wisest and best rulers, but to ensure "that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too much damage." In other words, the advantage of democracy is not that it allows the people to rule, but that it can apply a selective death rate to political ideas and their exponents. It enables failed rulers to be changed peacefully and to allow alternative ones to be given a chance. Because politicians in a democracy know they can be called to account at the next election, their behaviour is tempered. No such restraints are there to curb the behaviour of despots.The methodology is a selective death date, as it is in evolution and free market economics. It is less efficient in the political realm because popular will is not as brutal as it is in nature or a free economy. The same failed ideas can resurface no matter how many times they have sunk in the past. This is because some ideas appeal in theory even if the real world discredits them repeatedly. In scientific method, new theories are put forward and tested by experiment and observation. Those that are less successful at predicting what we shall observe are discarded in favour of those that do this more successfully.A selective death rate operates by trial and error. In evolution it is blind, but in market economics, politics and scientific method it is purposive. But in all these areas it is by counting out the less adequate in favour of the more adequate that development and change take place. To interfere with this process is to mitigate its benefits.

Global summits - such as the 2002 Johannesburg Summit and the 2009 Copenhagen COP15 - can be seen as theatrical techniques of environmental governmentality. Summits such as these, which do not produce new international agreements or strengthen environmental regimes, are commonly regarded as failures. However, they can also be viewed as moments of political theatre, performative enactments of legitimacy and authority, and sites for the communication of particular examples of responsible conduct. This political theatre is not a distraction from the real business of governing the global environment, but rather it is a primary technique of government at a distance. Summits function as 'exemplary centres' for a global audience, although their mobilisation of particular stages, scripts, casts and audiences remains open to subversion and conflict. The symbolic, theatrical and performative dimensions of summitry are rarely theorised, but their implications are profound, not only for responses to the ecological crisis, but for the nature and character of global politics and the potential for resistance and dissent. © 2011 Taylor & Francis.

Global environmental politics is emerging as a key field for South African diplomacy and foreign policy, in which Pretoria is endeavouring to lead by example. Environmental summits and conferences such as Johannesburg (2002) and Copenhagen (2009) have been crucial stages for the performance of this role as an environmental leader, and in December 2011 Durban will host the seventeenth Conference of the Parties (COP17) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. There are also signs from within policy-making circles that 'the environment' is seen as a field in which some of the lustre of South Africa's post-1994 international high moral standing could be recovered. However, tensions remain between South Africa's performance and rhetoric on the global stage, and domestic development paths which continue to be environmentally unsustainable. The article concludes by suggesting that while the visibility and prominence of South Africa as an actor in global environmental politics is likely to grow, it remains doubtful whether this represents a sustained and committed new direction in South African foreign policy. © The Author(s) 2011.

Latest issue consulted: 2002. ; Contains procedural and contact information for all states (including D.C. and P.R.) and request forms for some. ; Description based on: 1992. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Fear of life, fear of death, and fear of causing death form a combination that prevents reasoned changes in laws concerning end-of-life situations. This is shown systematically in this article using the methods of conceptual analysis. Prevalent fears are explicated and interpreted to see how their meanings differ depending on the chosen normative stance. When the meanings have been clarified, the impact of the fears on the motivations and justifications of potential legislative reforms are assessed. Two main normative stances are evoked. The first makes an appeal to individual self-determination, or autonomy, and the second to the traditional professional ethics of physicians. These views partly share qualifying elements, including incurability and irreversibility of the patient's medical condition, proximity of death, the unbearable nature of suffering, and issues of voluntariness further shade the matter. The conclusion is that although many motives to change end-of-life laws are admirable, they are partly contradictory, as are calls for autonomy and appeals to professional ethics; to a degree that good, principled legislative solutions remain improbable in the foreseeable future. ; Peer reviewed

This article introduces Michel Foucault's concept of 'counter-conducts'-'struggles against the processes implemented for conducting others'-in order to rethink the relationship between power and dissent. It proposes an 'analytics of protest' to address forms of resistance, through which this article focuses on the mentalities, practices, and subjectivities produced at protests in South Africa at the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. These protests were some of the largest public expressions of dissent since the end of apartheid, yet the article illuminates the ways in which power and resistance are mutually reliant and co-constitutive. These summit counter-conducts both contested and reinforced existing power relations, and were disciplined by discourses of civility/violence, partnership/disruption, and local/foreign from state authorities and the media. They were also disciplined by internal discourses of liberal dissent and radical protest from within the movements themselves. The article concludes that, from a Foucauldian perspective on counter-conducts, forms of dissent that are strategic, reversible, and flexible are preferable to those that are sedimented and entrenched. © 2011 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

The ability of International Relations theory to 'travel well' to other parts of the world has become one of the central questions within the discipline. This article argues that a Foucauldian-derived 'analytics of government' framework has particular advantages in overcoming some of the difficulties IR theory has faced abroad. These advantages include a methodological focus on specific practices of power at their point of application; attention to similarities between practices of power that cut across perceived binaries such as the domestic and international, and public and private; and an illumination of the ways in which practices of freedom are combined and interrelate with forms of coercion and violence. This argument is illustrated in the context of debates about the applicability of Foucauldian theory to African politics, through examples drawn from Bayart's work on globalisation, the power of development partnerships, and violence and civil war. It argues that deploying governmentality as an analytical framework, rather than seeing it as a specifically neoliberal form of power relation, can not only facilitate the application of IR theory outside Europe and North America but can also help develop a broader perspective on genuinely world politics. © 2012 British International Studies Association.

Political protests have visibly increased in frequency and intensity in South Africa in recent years, and they seem to indicate a more adversarial relationship between the post-apartheid state and civil society. This article uses the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development, and the protests which accompanied it, to illuminate these broader trends. It analyses the legacy of the Summit as a 'mega-event', and highlights the importance of the 'mega-protests' in 2002. The most important effects are shown to be the disruption of South African extraversion; the marginalization and repression of particular social movements; and the exacerbation of broader trends toward a more polarized political landscape in South Africa. Importantly, however, the article concludes that such developments are not evidence of growing distance between the state and civil society, but rather between those considered legitimate and responsible partners, and those who are excluded from 'normal' politics. Thus the Johannesburg Summit illuminates broader trends toward the governmentalization and transnationalization of politics in South Africa, and destabilizes conventional understandings of what and where 'South African politics' actually is, as well as raising important questions regarding the impacts of such mega-events in the future. © The Author 2010. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved.

In his Keynote Address "Death Tax" Politics at the October 2, 2015 Boston College Law School and American College of Trust and Estate Counsel Symposium, The Centennial of the Estate and Gift Tax: Perspectives and Recommendations, Michael Graetz describes the fight over the repeal of the estate tax and its current diminished state. Graetz argues that the political battle over the repeal of the estate tax reflects a fundamental challenge to our nation's progressive tax system. This Address concludes that a revitalized estate tax is important for managing the national debt and reducing massive inequalities in wealth.

The present article seeks to argue about the history of death, the philosophical opinions on this phenomenon; to check whether euthanasia and assisted suicide would be probable motivators for the happening of the called slippery slope; whether orthothanasia would be a dignified way to die; to evaluate the concrete validity of the constitutional right to dignified death in the Brazilian juridical legislation and to examine the palliative care methods applied in this country, by using the deductive method of qualitative approach with bibliographic research technique on national e international references. It is concluded that may be found the traditional, the modern and the contemporary as ways of dying in Brazil.