Suchergebnisse

A comparative study of housing policy & conditions in five European Union (EU) member states: the UK, Germany, Sweden, Spain, & Slovenia. Similarities & differences are demonstrated in a discussion of the housing regulations enacted in each country & in a series of quantitative tables illustrating: (1) rentals vs private ownership, (2) government-subsidized housing, (3) availability of homes/apartments for rent/ownership, (4) private-government housing agencies, (5) rent control laws, (6) home ownership, (7) average housing standards & quality data (eg, dwelling size & amenities), (8) annual housing unit construction, (9) house/apartment prices, (10) housing affordability index, & (11) housing debt (eg, mortgage debt per capita/GDP). It is concluded that unlike in the older EU members, with clearly detectable trends of housing value appreciation, decline, or stagnation, the housing situation in Slovenia seems to be erratic with illogical price fluctuations that are not explainable in terms of clearly identifiable factors. Adapted from the source document.

Zadolževanje in razdolževanje je trenutno zelo aktualna tema tako v Sloveniji, kot tudi v svetu. V magistrski nalogi smo raziskali, kako so se zadolževala in razdolževala slovenska gospodinjstva in podjetja v obdobju 2004 -2015 in trende primerjali s trendi v državah EU. Podatki kažejo, da so slovenska gospodinjstva približno polovico manj zadolžena kot gospodinjstva ostalih članic Evropske unije. Čisto drugačna pa je situacija v sektorju podjetij, saj so slovenska podjetja v krizo vstopila z visoko stopnjo zadolženosti. Opazne so tudi bistvene razlike v strukturi financiranja slovenskih in tujih podjetij. Na osnovi raziskave ugotovljamo, da so se slovenska gospodinjstva in podjetja pred krizo bolj zadolževala od subjektov v ostalih članicah Evropske unije in kasneje začela izvajati proces razdolževanja. ; Indebtedness and deleveraging is currently a very topical issue in Slovenia, and as well in the world. In this Masters thesis we have researched indebtedness and deleveraging for Slovenian householders and companies in the period 2004-2015 and compared this trends with trends in other European Union states. The data show that Slovenian householders are approximately 50 % less overindebted then hoseholders in other European Union states. Quite different is situation in the corporate sector, where Slovenian companies entered the crisis with high debt levels. We also noticed significant differences in the financial structure of Slovenian and foreign companies. Based on our research we established that before the crisis Slovenian householders and companies were borrowing more like householders and companies in other states of the European Union, and started with proces of deleveraging much later.

La actual crisis económico-financiera en la que se encuentran sumidos muchos países desarrollados, ante todo de la Unión Europea, está muy relacionada con las últimas transformaciones y adaptaciones del sistema capitalista, las nuevas ofensivas neoliberales y la falacia sobre la que se sustenta la construcción europea, que desde sus orígenes ha estado supeditada al capital financiero alemán. Esta crisis económica, financiera y de la deuda está sirviendo para aplicar unos planes de ajuste que recaen sobre las clases sociales más desfavorecidas y empobrecen a los países más vulnerables. Las consecuencias de esta situación crítica pueden ser imprevisibles mientras siga en pie ese megaproyecto capitalista, imperialista, financiero y burgués llamado Unión Europea. El futuro pasa por construir unos Estados Unidos Socialistas de Europa, donde se superen las fronteras nacionales, haya una integración política plena y la propiedad de los medios de producción sea pública. ; The current economic and financial crisis in which many developed countries, first and foremost of the European Union, are mired is closely related to recent transformations and adaptations of the capitalist system, the new neoliberal offensive and the fallacy on which is based the construction of Europe, which since its inception has been subject to the German financial capital. This economic, financial and debt crisis is serving to implement plans setting that they fall on the most disadvantaged social classes and impoverish the most vulnerable countries. The consequences of this critical situation can be unpredictable while still standing that mega financial and bourgeois capitalist, imperialist project called European Union. The future is to build a Socialist United States of Europe, where national borders are exceeded, has a full political integration and ownership of the means of production is public.

A partir de 2011 se ha reforzado el gobierno económico de la UE a través de seis instrumentos legislativos, el llamado Six Pack, que supone fundamentalmente una reforma de la supervisión de la política presupuestaria de los Estados miembros. Más recientemente el Tratado de estabilidad, coordinación y gobernanza de UE de marzo de 2012 (TECGUE) establece un conjunto de normas destinadas a promover la disciplina presupuestaria a través de un pacto presupuestario a reforzar la coordinación de sus políticas económicas y a mejorar la gobernanza de la zona del euro. En el presente trabajo se analiza si este modelo basado en una estricta disciplina presupuestaria es compatible con los postulados del Estado social, y más concretamente con los principios de justicia del gasto público. En efecto, a partir de la reforma del art. 135 de la Constitución Española, el principio de estabilidad presupuestaria debe ser interpretado coordinadamente con otros principios constitucionales que en el momento presente están plenamente vigentes y pueden adquirir una nueva función: la de actuar como límite y medida del objetivo de estabilidad presupuestaria. Del mismo modo se analizan los principios de coordinación entre las políticas presupuestarias y de endeudamiento de los Estados miembros en un Estado con una pluralidad de Haciendas, como es el caso español. ; From 2011 onwards, the Economic Governance of the EU on the Member States has been strengthened through six main instruments of legislation, the so-called Six Pack, which is primarily a supervision reform of the Member States budgetary policy. More recently Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance of EU from March 2012 (TECGUE) establishes a set of rules aimed to promote the budgetary discipline through a fiscal pact, to strengthen the coordination of their economic policies and to improve governance within the euro area. In this paper we analyze whether this model based on a strict budgetary discipline is well-matched with the tenets of the welfare state, and more specifically with the public spending principles of justice. Indeed, since the reform of art. 135 of the Spanish Constitution, the principle of budgetary stability should be interpreted in coordination with other constitutional principles which at present are in full force and can acquire a new role: to operate as a boundary and a extent of the budgetary stability objective. Similarly, principles of coordination between the General Government Debt and Budgetary Policies of the Member States within a state with a plurality of Public Finances, such as the Spanish case, have been also analyzed.

Pravica državljanov, da sodelujejo pri opravljanju javnih zadev, je eno od tistih demokratičnih načel, ki bi moralo biti skupno vsem državam sodobnega sveta in je zapisana v uvodu Evropske listine o lokalni samoupravi (MELLS). To načelo lahko najneposredneje uresničujemo na lokalni ravni.Prenos pristojnosti, odgovornosti in finančnih virov iz države na organe lokalnih oblasti (lokalne skupnosti) je demokratičen proces (fiskalne) decentralizacije. MELLS je mednarodna pogodba, veljavna tudi v Sloveniji. Občine so v Sloveniji temeljne enote lokalne samouprave, torej predstavljajo tisto raven oblasti, ki je najbližje državljanom. Odgovorne so za zagotavljanje široke palete javnih dobrin in storitev. Z nalogo preverjamo skladnost veljavnega sistema financiranja lokalnih skupnosti (občin) v Sloveniji z osnovnimi usmeritvami iz teorije (fiskalne) decentralizacije ter z načeli MELLS. Pri tem proučujemo področje pokrivanja stroškov nalog občin, njihovo strukturo ter stopnjo medsebojne povezanosti med računsko dodeljenimi sredstvi v okviru mehanizma primerne porabe in zbranimi podatki o stroških po občinah. Na teh podlagah želimo ugotoviti, ali sistem financiranja lokalne samouprave, ki je v veljavi v Republiki Sloveniji, izpolnjuje načelo sorazmernosti virov sredstev z nalogami, ki jih lokalne skupnosti izvajajo. Glede na rezultate lahko ugotovimo, da so načela MELLS zadovoljivo vgrajena v pravni red države. Odstopanja pa ugotavljamo na finančnem področju, kjer načelo sorazmernosti ni ustrezno upoštevano. V obdobju 2010 do 2014 občine niso bile ustrezno financirane glede na njihove naloge. Povprečni stroški na prebivalca so v tem obdobju povprečno za 1,8 odstotka višji od virov na osnovi zakonsko določene primerne porabe. Občine so odvisne predvsem od dohodnine, kot deljenega davka, stopnja avtonomija glede lastnih davkov in njihovih stopenj je nizka. Odhodki občin so se v proučevanem obdobju v povprečju zmanjšali za 6 odstotkov, vendar pa skrbi, da je glavni vzrok tega zmanjšanja v znižanju investicijskih odhodkov za 17,2 odstotkov in investicijskih transferov za 21,8 odstotkov, tekoči odhodki so se znižali za 1odstotek, povišali pa so se transferni odhodki za 4,6 odstotka. Skupaj so se tekoči stroški, ki se upoštevajo pri izračunu povprečnine v razmerju 2014/2010 zvišali za 1 odstotek, sama povprečnina pa se je znižala za 2,5 odstotka. To dokazuje, da se je bistveno poslabšala naložbena sposobnost občin, kot najpomembnejši element izvajanja razvojnih nalog občine. Obseg dodeljene primerne porabe po občini pa se je v povprečju zmanjšal za 1,14 odstotka, in zaostajal za dejansko občinsko porabo. Skupna zadolženost občin je sprejemljiva in znaša 899,2 mio EUR, kar pomeni 2,41odstotka BDP, v skupnem dolgu države pa 2,8 odstotkov. Delež občinskih investicij v skupnem BDP je narastel na 2,4 odstotkov BDP. Občine so investicije financirale predvsem z lastnimi viri (55 odstotkov), s sredstvi EU (24 odstotkov) in z zadolževanjem (5 odstotkov), s sredstvi države pa 16 odstotkov investicij. Glede na določila iz nove finančne perspektive EU za obdobje 2014 - 2020 se bistveno zmanjšujejo možnosti in sredstva za sofinanciranje občinskih investicij, kar bo imelo posledice za zmanjšanje občinskih investicij. Če teh virov ne bo možno nadomestiti, lahko pričakujemo iz tega naslova negativni vpliv na BDP države in razvojnih razlik med občinami. V primerjavi z obdobjem 2007 do 2009 ugotovimo povečanje trenda negativnega razkoraka sredstev primerne porabe in stroškov za izvajanje nalog občin. To kaže na to, da je potrebno izboljšati obstoječi model financiranja. ; The right of citizens to participate in the conduct of public affairs is one of those democratic principles which should be common to all countries of the modern world. And this right is also enshrined in the introduction of the European Charter of Local Self-Government (MELLS). This principle can be most directly exercised at local level, through democratically elected local authorities. The transfer of powers, responsibilities and financial resources from the state to local authorities (local communities) is the democratic process of (fiscal) decentralization. The exercise of MELLS affect the financial relationships between the central and local authorities, since it is necessary to provide such funding of local communities that these will be effective and sufficiently independent in satisfying the public needs of the local population and increasing prosperity of society as a whole. Municipalities in Slovenia are basic units of local self-government. The thesis checks compliance of the current system of funding local communities (municipalities) in Slovenia with the basic guidelines of the theory of (fiscal) decentralization and the MELLS principles. The area of covering the costs of municipal tasks is being discussed, their structure and the degree of interconnection between the allocations in the framework of the mechanism of statutory spending and the data collected on the costs of the municipalities. Based on the results we can conclude that the MELLS principles are satisfactorily integrated into the legal system of the country. However, deviation is observed in the financial sector, where the principle of proportionality is not observed. In the period from 2010 to 2014 the municipalities had not been adequately funded according to their tasks. The average cost per capita in this period is by 1.8% more than the resources on the basis of statutory spending. Municipalities depend mainly on income tax and the rate of autonomy regarding their own taxes and their rates is low. In the observed period, expenditure of municipalities on average decreased by 6%, worrying is the fact that the main cause of the decrease is in the reduction of capital expenditures by -17.2% and capital transfers by - 21.8%, the current expenditure decreased by -1% while the transfer expenses increased by + 4.6%. Together, the running costs that are taken into account when calculating the lump sum in proportion 2014/2010 increased by + 1%, and the lump sum itself decreased by 2.5%. This demonstrates that the investment capacity of municipalities significantly worsened and this is the most important element of the implementation of the development tasks of the municipality. The volume of statutory spending of the municipality dropped by 1.14%, and lagged behind the actual municipal budget. The total indebtedness of municipalities is acceptable and amounts to 899.2 million euros which represents 2.41% of GDP, and 2.8% in the total debt of the country. The share of municipal investments in total GDP has increased to 2.4% of GDP. The municipalities financed the investments from its own resources (55%), EU funds (24%) and debt (5%), with funds from the state 16% investment. According to the provisions of the new EU financial perspective for 2014-2020, the opportunities and funding for co-financing municipal investments is significantly reducing, which will have implications on the reduction of municipal investments. If these resources will not be possible to replace, we can expect a negative impact on the country's GDP and developmental differences between municipalities. In comparison with the period 2007 to 2009, an increase in the trend of negative gap has been noticed between the statutory spending and the cost for carrying out the tasks of municipalities. This shows the need to improve the existing model of financing.

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.