The article analyses how the standpoints of political parties on energy related issues are formed. The effect of the process of forming these standpoints on energy policy in general in the Czech Republic, the divergence among ideologies (coming out not only from the election programs), and other factors, as well as the parties' ideological continuity in time are particularly emphasized. The analysis comes to the conclusion that energy related issues are important for each political party but not crucial. In addition, it is concluded that parties are internally consistent, their standpoints are based on ideology, and they are all rather constructive in policy formulation. An interesting conclusion is also the fact that energy policy in the Czech Republic is generally highly personalized, thus strongly influenced by particular individuals.
The status of minorities is in the modern world generally considered to be one of the measures of consolidation of democracy. This text analyzes position of members of Italian and Hungarian minorities in Slovene political system and the rate of their political participation in the decision-making process. The first part of this study is based on the analysis of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia and other fundamental laws that determinate the position of autochthonous minorities in Slovenia. The second part subsequently deals with the real possibilities of minorities' representatives to influence political decisions and their ability to enforce their rights and claims both on the local and state level.
Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.
The aim of the article is to describe the relations between institutions in the public, private and non-profit sectors that are considered the most important actors of negotiation and decision-making in local development. These institutions and the relations between them are defined as a social network. A study was carried out in the small Czech towns of Blatná, Český Krumlov and Velké Meziříčí, and data were collected in 2007 and 2008. The first part of the article describes the institutional actors, the collection of the relational data, and the context of the three towns that were studied. The analytical part consists of social network analysis. Basic quantitative characteristics are used to describe and compare the social networks of the institutional actors in the local development of the three towns. The conclusions indicate the unconditional significance of local public administration institutions and the significance of other local institutions; relations to extra-local institutions are rather weak. A section on methodology at the end of the article contains methodological notes on Hellinger divergence and SNA.
The increasing levels of electoral abstention across 'new' European democracies can downgrade the legitimacy of these regimes. From this point of view, the basic question 'who does not vote and why?' gains new relevance. My article focuses on the determinants of non-voting from a cross-national perspective. I present two approaches towards explaining electoral abstention. The first, arising from the Michigan model, is based on a solid connection between party choice and participation. This approach considers the lack of party identification as the main reason for non-voting. The second approach emphasizes the role of the decision-making process in abstention itself, without regard to the selection of a preferred party, and is connected with well-known concepts like political efficacy, trust, interest, and satisfaction. These explanations have often been utilized for well-established democracies, yet how do they work in post-Communist space? After a brief theoretical discussion, I investigate the robustness of presented theories by means of empirical analysis of the situation in 11 post-Communist countries. The European Social Survey 2008 is used for the verification of the importance of both approaches. Adapted from the source document.
Parties are essential components of a political system, since they provide access to the decision-making process for the citizens. In democratic society they have to execute some basic functions (e.g. interest aggregation, articulation and representation). For this they need material and financial resources. In the recent year funding of the parties must deal with growing expensiveness on the one hand, and on the other with bribery and corruption (which can seriously damage citizens' confidence in the democratic system). Even the most democratic countries have from time to time problem with this unacceptable social phenomena. And it is more important to avoid it in transition countries and in so-called "new democracies" – as central and east European countries, where the democracy is not stabile enough. In this article we focus on the case of Slovakia. We try to outline party finances system and analyse financial resources structure. There are two main models of parties financing, one based on private finances and second based on public resources. Apart from serious defects in laws (still present in Slovak legislation), the main problem of parties financing in Slovakia is growing rate of public party subvention (what can negatively affect parties' independence on the state) and reducing number of party subjects, which participate on it.
Předložená studie pojednává o přijímání navracejících se druhů vyšších obratlovců zpět do české přírody, a to jak studenty gymnázií, kteří se při dalším studiu mohou dále věnovat problematice ochrany přírody a návratům obratlovců, tak studentů ze středních lesnických škol, u kterých se myslivecká péče o tyto druhy vbudoucnu očekává. Právě postoje studentů a mladých lidí jsou obecně velmi důležité pro přijetí těchto zmiňovaných druhů, protože nejen politiky a publicisty ovlivněná nejširší veřejnost, ale hlavně voboru vzdělaní lidé by se měli podílet na rozhodování o budoucnosti těchto zvířat. Celkově práce vychází ztvrzení, že lidé mohou mít o návratu některých obratlovců zkreslené představy, protože jsou ovlivňováni více než obecnými skutečnostmi, stále častějšími medializovanými spoty, poukazujícími např. na strach a obavy poškozených farmářů, přemnožování některých druhů a nanakažlivé nemoce, které některé druhy mohou přenášet. Kvůli celkovému zjednodušení byly v dotazníku uvedeny pouze tři možnosti vnímání, a to buď pozitivní, negativní, anebo neutrální. Zvýsledku je patrné, že jemnější členění dotazu by situaci spíše znejasnilo. ; The presented study discusses the phenomenon of acceptance of returning higher vertebrate species to the Czech countryside, both from the perspective of grammar school students, who can further study the environmental protection and facilitate the return of some vertebrates, and students of secondary forestry schools, expected to engage in hunting care in the future. The attitude of students and young people, in general, is very important for the acceptance of the discussed species, as not only the politicians and publicists have the right to influence the general public, but rather the specialists educated in the field should participate in the decision-making process affecting the future of these animals. Overall, the work develops a hypothesis that people may have misconceptions about the return of some vertebrates as, rather than focusing on general facts, they are influenced by frequently hyped points, such as the fear and concern of aggrieved farmers, the overpopulating of some species and the infectious diseases that some animals may transmit. A questionnaire was designed and circulated to obtain the required data. For general simplification, only three options were presented in the questionnaire, either positive, negative, or neutral attitude as further structuring could compromise the clarity of the results.
