The role of knowledge in politics, as well as the extent to which it plays a role in government-level decision-making, is explored. The need is cited for further research in this area. Adapted from the source document.
The reform of the Swedish pension scheme (ATP) illustrates a surprising ability among Swedish politicians to sidestep entrenchced partisan conflicts and establish consensus. Although several studies set out to explain the comparatively successful reform, the significance of new, and exclusive, institutions for decision-making has largely been overlooked. The hypothesis of this article, however, suggests that the creation of these new institutions is what really explains the Swedish success story. In order to test the hypothesis, decisions and negotiations leading up to the reform are process-traced, and opinions among voters and central actors that were excluded from the process are explored. The results indicate that the pension reform was made possible by the highly restricted decision-making process, and also cast doubts on whether the same pension reform would have been possible without it. These new institutions for decision-making, however, might have negative consequences for the future functions of representative democracy. Adapted from the source document.
While there is a general definition of democracy, in more than 2000 years of its existence there are still many questions lingering about issues such as: which individuals (if any) should be excluded from collective decision making, the role of experts, should decisions be made by popular vote or through representatives, etc. The article is a follow-up of a previous study entitled "The potential of the local democracy," & explores what representatives themselves think of democracy & the democratic decision making process. Local politicians will be asked about their idea of 1) democracy in general, 2) concrete approaches to strengthen democracy, 3) their vision of citizens' role in democracy, 4) their actual actions towards citizens. The study will consist of interviews of approx. 3000 local (city, county, & region) representatives. References. Adapted from the source document.
In 1974, Sweden adopted a new Constitution. In Contrast to the previous one from 1809, which was based on ideas of separations-of-powers and which literally defined the monarch as a powerful political actor, the new constitution placed the parliament (The Riksdag) at the center of political decision making and removed the king from political power. At the time, this removed a huge discrepancy between the letter of the constitution and the "living constitution" which placed emphasis on parliamentary sovereignty of the Westminster type. Hut 35 years later, ideas of separation-of-powers and the necessity of control of suspicious politicians have grown stronger. A constitutional revision in 2010 introduces measures that are akin to what has recently been labeled the Madisonian turn in Western politics. Adapted from the source document.
This article examines the relationship between media & the partisan ministerial staff of the Government Office. The main objective of the article is to make a contribution to the knowledge about & comprehension of how medialization has affected the work of the partisan ministerial staff. The article is empirically based on four focus groups, with respectively ministers, secretaries of state, political advisors & press secretaries working under the third Persson government (2002-2006). The article demonstrates that media management is an area that The Government Office was not originally adapted for. Therefore media & communication do not enter into the existing routines & formal decision-making processes of the organization. As a result, media challenge both the process behind the government's collective decision-making & the up-holding of the impression that the government decides collectively. Thus, there is a need for complementary routines for the contacts between the partisan staff & the civil servants. Adapted from the source document.
Discusses a coming research project on how the Soviet Union used soft economic power to increase their influence in other countries. The differences in spreading policy and ideas in democratic and communist systems are researched. Preliminary results indicate that decision making structures in youth organizations and workers unions in Europe come from different sources varying from communists to Christian democrats. L. Pitkaniemi
It is important for public administration to make qualified guesses about the future. The public administration does therefore conduct evaluations of their own activities, which later can be a basis for political decision-making. To be able to scrutinize & value results from these evaluations it is important to focus on how evaluations arc made in public administration. One neglected field of research is how evaluators in public administration justify the desirable in self-evaluations & what values the justification is built on. In order to do empirical studies of how the desirable is justified a model of analysis is necessary. The model presented in this article is based on the division between intuition & explanation, where the latter is further divided into deontological, teleological & character-based explanations. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
This article investigates the influence of Swedish drug users on Swedish drug policy during the period 1965-2004. The main focus is on public policy, ie, the policy-making of parliament, government, & key government departments & agencies. Both the users' processual influence, that is the degree & the way in which users participate in the decision-making process, as well as the users' substantial influence, or the degree to which the drug policy produces results that are in the interest of the users, are studied. The processual influence was studied by reviewing user influence within the framework for public drug policy inquiries conducted during this period. The substantial influence was studied by evaluating the development of the Swedish drug policy, using a catalogue of key user issues (based on an international comparison of various user organizations) as a yard stick. The results indicate that user influence over public drug policy generally speaking has been extremely limited. Furthermore, as far as can be judged, this influence seems to have diminished over time, a development which has been similar for processual & substantial influence skills. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
The Swedish Sami Parliament is both a representative body elected by the Indigenous Sami people and a government agency under the Swedish state. Since its inception, this construction has been critiqued by the Sami people and Swedish governmental commissions alike: the Sami Parliaments dual roles are seen to be in fundamental conflict with one another. This article provides the first empirical study of the political and practical consequences of these conflicting roles. Using in-depth interviews with politicians and civil servants at the Sami Parliament, representatives of Sami organisations, and civil servants at the Swedish ministries, we analyse the extent to which the Sami Parliament is able to perform its role as a government agency. We argue that the dual roles of the Sami Parliament create problems not only for the decision making powers of the Parliament as a government agency, but also constitute a structural obstacle to Sami self-determination. Adapted from the source document.