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Process tracing: a structured approach to data analysis in decision making studies
Process tracing: a structured approach to data analysis in decision making studies
Process tracing (PT) has been developed for within-case analysis to unravel causal mechanisms that explain the relationship between independent and dependent variables. It follows an iterative-inductive approach to generate theory on the basis of empirical data. This paper explains how PT can be used in decision making research by using a three step model: (1) one code for each case, (2) preparation of an analytic table, and (3) from fragmentation to integration. The cases that illustrate these steps show that PT results in fine-grained theoretical explanations for decision making and indicates the need of additional between-case analysis.

Euroopan komissio luotiin jotta se voisi ajaa yhteisöjen intressiä. Sen vuoksi siitä päätettiin tehdä itsenäinen. Mutta koska Euroopan Unionin vaikutus jäsenmaissaan on hyvin vahvaa, myös talouden kannalta, haluavat jäsenmaat vaikuttaa komissioon mahdollisimman paljon. Tämän vuoksi komission itsenäisyys vaarantuu. Perustamissopimukset koettavat hoitaa ongelman luomalla komissiolle joita-kin suojamekanismeja. Mutta ovatko ne riittäviä? Vaikuttaa siltä, että komissioon pystytään vaikuttamaan liikaa sen jokapäiväisessä työssä. Tämä vaikuttaminen alkaa jo komission nimittämisvaiheessa ja jatkuu koko ajan komission pohtiessa uuden lainsäädännön tarvetta ja komission valmistellessa uutta lainsäädäntöä. Komission lakiehdotelman sisältöön vaikuttavat usein paljonkin muut instituutiot, jäsenvaltiot sekä intressiryhmät. Tämä johtaa siihen, että komissio ei täysin pysty toteuttamaan yhteisöjen in-tressiä. Monin eri tavoin komission päätöksiin voivat vaikuttaa yksittäisten tai use-ampien jäsenmaiden edut, vaikka tarkoitus olisi ajaa yhteisöjen etua. The European Commission was created so that it could work to fulfil the Community Interest. Therefore it was decided to be an independent institution. But because the European Union affects its Member States very deeply, not least in budgetary ways, the Member States seem to want to influence the Commission as much as possible. Therefore the independence of the Commission is at stake. The Treaties try to deal with the problem by setting some protective mecha-nisms on the Commission. But is it enough? It seems that the Commission gets in-fluenced too much in its everyday work. This influencing starts already at the nomi-nation of the Commissioners, continues all the while when the Commission is decid-ing if new Community legislation is needed and while it drafts new legislation. The substance of the drafts are often influenced very much by the other institutions, Member States and interest groups. What this means is that the Commission can't fulfil its task at seeking the best of the Communities. In many different ways the decisions of the Commission may further the good of one or some interested parties instead of the Community In-terest.

The standard picture of public governance in the Dutch Republic (1579-1795) is one of consultation with multiple stakeholders, peaceful negotiations with representatives from a range of governmental institutions, and agreements and compromise. This picture has been the subject of much debate among historians and other scholars. One question concerns the extent to which this kind of governance evolved from the traditional practices of water authorities, as these institutions emerged very early, at the end of the thirteenth century. A further question is whether it is correct to assume that these peaceful negotiations did in fact involve participation by a wide range of societal stakeholders. This book contributes to this debate by presenting the results of new research into the development of governance by water authorities prior to 1800. In the late Middle Ages and Early Modern period, these institutions changed as a result of ecological, socio-economic and political developments. The central question is how these developments affected the evolution of and governance within the water authorities. The research focuses on two inter-local water authorities: first, the water authority of the Bunschoten Veen and Velden dikes in the Province of Utrecht; and second, the water authority of Mastenbroek polder in the Province of Overijssel. How were landholders represented in such authorities, and what was the relationship between developments in representation and participation in decision-making? The positions and backgrounds of the board members of these two water authorities were investigated, as well as the process of decision-making. The theoretical framework was provided by theories of consociationalism (Lijphart 1968 and Putnam 1993), in which peaceful governance is defined in terms of consensus politics or politics of accommodation. A set of criteria was formulated to assess the occurrence of participative decision-making by stakeholders. These criteria were tested against the discussions and decisions found in ...

THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISIONS HAS BEEN CRITICIZED IN RECENT YEARS ON A NUMBER OF POINTS. SOME OF THESE EMANATED FROM MULTIPLE, THOUGH NOT TOTALLY, EQUIVALENT, DEFINITIONS, SOME FROM ASSUMPTIONS WHICH SEEM TO BE IMPLIED BY THE CONCEPT--SUCH AS THE ASSUMPTION OF A RULING ELITE, ETC. THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISION IS REDEFINED. THIS CONCEPTUALIZATION IS LINKED WITH A MODEL OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN WHICH NONDECISIONS ARE ASSOCIATED WITH THE PROCESS OF AGENDA-BUILDING. A BROAD DEFINITION OF POLITICS, INCLUDING VALUE ALLOCATION BY AUTHORITIES OTHER THAN GOVERNMENT, LEADS TO A NUMBER OF RESEARCH QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE POLITICAL AGENDA, WHICH HAVE BEEN LITTLE EXPLORED UP TO NOW. NONDECISIONS CAN BE CONSIDERED AS ONE OF MANY MANIFESTATIONS OF THE 'MOBILIZATION OF BIAS' PREVALENT IN A POLITICAL SYSTEM. TO AVOID THE FALLACY OF 'INPUTISM', NONDECISION RESEARCH HAS TO BE COMPLEMENTED WITH RESEARCH ABOUT NONIMPLEMENTATION, FEEDBACK TO WANT-GENERATION, FEEDBACK TO THE MOBILIZATION OF BIAS ITSELF, & THE DIRECT GENERATION OF AGENDA-ITEMS BY THE DECISION-MAKERS THEMSELVES. MODIFIED HA.

This paper analyzes the way the Flemish administration dealt with the competence transfer in the field of agriculture it experienced in 2001-2002. The main research question goes as follows: "Which factors have an impact on a successful competence transfer in the context of a state reform." This research shows that the decision-making process has a negative impact on that success because of the difficulties the administration experiences with the translation of the vague political compromises in the law. On the other hand, there is evidence that the change management willingness & capacity of the 'receiving' Flemish & 'losing' federal administration have a positive influence on that success. Adapted from the source document.

Communication between political elites & the general public is suffering from information overload. The best way to remedy the problem is to improve political language. Ideology is the most 'rational' political language available: it carries information about elite decision making at a relatively modest cost. Three questions are considered: (1) Do the decisionmakers have an ideology? (2) If 'yes,' is it instrumental in the decision-making process? (3) If 'yes,' why does this ideological factor rarely reach the public? The last two questions are considered from a formal viewpoint. It is shown that ideology can be important in the private decision-making forum & disappear when the elites address the public. The private forum is dominated by the need for policy output & by the necessity for coalition formation. The adaptation of ideology to this situation depends on its articulation degree & on the coalition-formation type. Generally, the salience aspect of ideology is less likely to suffer than its position aspect. The public forum is dominated by the needs for recruiting support & legitimizing proposals. Ideology is generally too costly a device to be used for these purposes. HA.

This thesis describes the parliamentary scrutiny system of the Dutch Government in the European decision-making process. More specifically, this study concerns the instruments of the British parliamentary scrutiny reserve and the Danish and Austrian mandating systems, and the added value that such instruments might have for the Netherlands. The main lesson to be learned from the British scrutiny reserve is that both the Government and Parliament are encouraged to become actively involved at an early stage of the European decision-making process. The system also ensures structural provision of information throughout the European decision-making process. In the Netherlands such structural information agreements between Parliament and the Government do not exist. The introduction of a parliamentary scrutiny reserve would solve this problem. The instrument of the parliamentary reserve that was introduced in the Netherlands when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force is much more limited than the British scrutiny reserve. The Dutch parliamentary reserve lacks the most essential aspect that makes the scrutiny reserve a valuable instrument. It is not linked to Government information and therefore does not stimulate as much dialogue between the Government and Parliament from the earliest stages of the European decision-making process as the British scrutiny reserve does. The Danish mandating system adds little to the Dutch Parliament's existing instruments to scrutinize the Government in the EU decision-making process. It may be doubted whether a mandating system would be suitable in a bicameral system such as the Dutch one. The Tweede Kamer (the Dutch House of Representatives) and the Eerste Kamer (the Dutch Senate) may occasionally give contradictory instructions. Furthermore, the fact that the presentation of the mandates often takes place at a later stage of the European decision-making process can be seen as a major drawback of the Danish mandating system. Despite the fact that the system ensures that Parliament is ...

Public debates tend to see social inequality as resulting from individual decisions people make, for instance with respect to their education or lifestyle. Solutions are often sought in supporting individuals to make better choices. This neglects the importance of social groups and communities in determining individual outcomes. A moral perspective on social inequality questions the fairness of insisting on individual responsibilities, when members of some groups systematically receive fewer opportunities than others. The essays in this book have been prepared by experts from different disciplines, ranging from philosophy to engineering, and from economics to epidemiology. On the basis of recent scientific insights, World of Difference examines how group memberships impact on individual outcomes in four key domains: health, education and work, migration, and the environment. This offers a new moral perspective on social inequality, which policy makers tend to neglect.

The standard picture of public governance in the Dutch Republic (1579-1795) is one of consultation with multiple stakeholders, peaceful negotiations with representatives from a range of governmental institutions, and agreements and compromise. This picture has been the subject of much debate among historians and other scholars. One question concerns the extent to which this kind of governance evolved from the traditional practices of water authorities, as these institutions emerged very early, at the end of the thirteenth century. A further question is whether it is correct to assume that these peaceful negotiations did in fact involve participation by a wide range of societal stakeholders. This book contributes to this debate by presenting the results of new research into the development of governance by water authorities prior to 1800. In the late Middle Ages and Early Modern period, these institutions changed as a result of ecological, socio-economic and political developments. The central question is how these developments affected the evolution of and governance within the water authorities. The research focuses on two inter-local water authorities: first, the water authority of the Bunschoten Veen and Velden dikes in the Province of Utrecht; and second, the water authority of Mastenbroek polder in the Province of Overijssel. How were landholders represented in such authorities, and what was the relationship between developments in representation and participation in decision-making? The positions and backgrounds of the board members of these two water authorities were investigated, as well as the process of decision-making. The theoretical framework was provided by theories of consociationalism (Lijphart 1968 and Putnam 1993), in which peaceful governance is defined in terms of consensus politics or politics of accommodation. A set of criteria was formulated to assess the occurrence of participative decision-making by stakeholders. These criteria were tested against the discussions and decisions found in ...

Participation is more than having a voice in the decision-making process; it is having an effective influence on the decision itself. The loss of communal mandates as a consequence of the amalgamation of Belgian municipalities in 1976 has created a need to expand political participation by citizens. Comparisons between 1975 & 1982 show increased inforamtion activity in the communes, & an increase of participation councils. In comparison with other European countries, however, there is less direct citizen decision making. It is urged that communes organize participation activities & guarantee citizens the right to participate. 7 Tables. Modified HA.

This book [Mediatized power and the return of the political] describes Finnish decision-makers' relationship with the media. It is based on surveys in 2009 and 2019. In 2009 there were 419 and in 2019 484 respondents, all of them having an influential position in some of the eight societal sectors covered in the study. The results show a moderate change from a consensus-oriented and networking decision-making culture towards a more ideologic and power-based way of negotiating. However, it seems that this has not affected how open or transparent the negotiation-processes are or how prone the decision-makers are to leak confidential information. The decision-makers' relationship with media publicity has become more professional and strategic. The results point to an increased role of social media in communications management while the role of the news media seems to be diminishing. Even though the decision-makers view publicity as an even more risky and strategic arena of political struggle than they did before, they also seem now acknowledge more clearly the rational aspects of journalism. The self-reported role of media publicity as a source of personal authority has somewhat diminished while there seems to be no change in how prone the decision-makers think they are for the impacts of media publicity.