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In the introductory remarks the author drafted a background of present-day social and constitutional shifts in Ukraine. Then he focused his attention on legal and political principles of formulation of Ukraine's foreign policy since gaining independence, analysing, first and foremost, the resolution enacted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine entitled "On the main directions of Ukraine's foreign policy". He also studied legal and political ground of Ukrainian-Polish bilateral relations, pointing to a weighty role of the Treaty on Good Neighbourhood, Friendly Relations and Cooperation between the Republic of Poland and Ukraine. As well, he elucidated the activity of the Ukrainian-Polish bilateral institutions established for realization of the resultant tasks. The support of Ukraine's aspirations for deeper integration with Europe by Poland were accentuated in the article. An issue of the signing of the Ukraine-European Union Association Agreement is crucial from this viewpoint. In the last part of the paper the author indicate that Russia's aggression against Ukraine resulted in a revision of international accords and initiated a thorough changes in Ukrainians' identity. ; W uwagach wstępnych autor pokrótce naszkicował tło obecnych stosunków ukraińsko-polskich. Następnie skupił uwagę na prawno-politycznych zasadach formowania polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy od czasu zdobycia przez nią niepodległości, analizując przede wszystkim uchwałę Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy O głównych kierunkach polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy. Ponadto przestudiował prawno-polityczne podłoże ukraińsko-polskich stosunków międzypaństwowych, wskazując na doniosłą rolę Traktatu między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Ukrainą o dobrym sąsiedztwie, przyjaznych stosunkach i współpracy. Naświetlił również działalność ukraińsko-polskich instytucji międzypaństwowych, powołanych dla pełnienia powstałych zadań. W artykule podkreślono poparcie przez Polskę dążeń eurointegracyjnych Ukrainy. Kluczowym momentem z tego punktu widzenia jest kwestia podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej UE z Ukrainą. W ostatniej części artykułu autor wskazał, iż agresja Rosji skierowana przeciwko Ukrainie spowodowała rewizję umów międzynarodowych i była początkiem gruntownych zmian w świadomości Ukraińców. ; Во вводных замечаниях автор кратко изложил контекст нынешних польско-украинских отношений. Затем он сосредоточил свое внимание на юридических и политических принципах формирования внешней политики Украины после обретения независимости, анализируя прежде всего закон Верховной Рады Украины «О главных направлениях внешней политики Украины». Кроме того, он изучил юридическую и политическую основу украинско-польских межгосударственных отношений, указывая на важную роль Договора между Республикой Польша и Украиной о добрососедстве, дружественных отношениях и сотрудничестве. Автор также обратил внимание на деятельность украинско-польских межгосударственных учреждений, созданных для решения возникших задач. В статье подчеркнута поддержка Польшей евроинтеграционных стремлений Украины. Ключевым моментом с этой точки зрения является вопрос подписания Соглашения об ассоциации ЕС с Украиной. В последней части статьи автор показывает, что агрессия России, направленная против Украины, привела к пересмотру международных договоров и была началом кардинальных перемен в сознании украинцев.

This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989–2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" – based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration. ; This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989–2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" – based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences.

Niniejsza analiza stanowi przegląd pro- i antyeuropejskich postaw w życiu politycznym państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w latach 1989-2004. Ich identyfikacja nie była sprawą prostą, gdyż profil środkowoeuropejskich formacji politycznych często zależał od tworzących je osobistości, a programy partyjne, zwłaszcza w pierwszym okresie postkomunizmu, nie nadążały za zmianami w otoczeniu zewnętrznym. W pierwszej połowie dekady, integracja z WE/UE, uznawana była za zagadnienie związane z polityką zagraniczną, co sprzyjało utrzymywaniu się powierzchownego konsensusu w tej kwestii. W miarę wchodzenia w szczegóły negocjacji i zbliżania się rozstrzygnięć następowało coraz silniejsze różnicowanie się sceny politycznej na trzy główne orientacje - "pro-europejską", "anty-europejską" oraz "eurosceptyczną" - na tle sporów wokół reform wewnętrznych i ich tempa, warunków członkostwa, stosunków z innymi krajami europejskimi czy docelowego modelu integracji. Zarówno dyskurs pro-jak i anty-europejski opierały się tu do pewnego stopnia na argumentach emocjonalnych, co nie sprzyjało pogłębieniu debaty na tematy związane z integracją. ; This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989-2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" - based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Unia Europejska, po impasie instytucjonalnym spowodowanym odrzuceniem traktatu konstytucyjnego, po wysiłku, jakim był proces rozszerzenia na nowe – często nieprzygotowane do tego kraje, oraz po latach kryzysu gospodarczo-finansowego powoli wychodzi na prostą. Wydaje się, że "diabelska alternatywa" – rozpad albo głębsza integracja – przestaje być aktualna. Unia Europejska wybrała zdecydowanie tę drugą opcję. Krok po kroku, szczyt po szczycie, Unia posuwa się mozolnie w kierunku głębszej integracji finansowej i fiskalnej, w kierunku zacieśnienia oraz koordynacji współpracy gospodarczej, a także bardziej rygorystycznego egzekwowania kryteriów konwergencji finansowej. De facto strefa euro, a wraz nią cała Unia Europejska, w zakresie spraw gospodarczo-finansowych, najgorsze ma za sobą. Niepokojący z punktu widzenia całej Unii Europejskiej jest Brexit. Wyjście Brytyjczyków z UE jest ogromnym politycznym, militarnym, gospodarczym i wizerunkowym osłabieniem Unii, a może nawet czymś więcej – porażką Unii, a zapewne także i Brytyjczyków. Innym niepokojącym i trwającym problemem Unii jest kryzys migracyjny. Jednak powoli i z opóźnieniem UE zaczyna z niego wyciągać wnioski i urealniać politykę migracyjną. Coraz bardziej niepokojąca staje się kwestia przestrzegania praworządności przez niektóre kraje unijne, jak również jej ocena i zdolność władz UE do uporania się z tym problemem. Unia Europejska nie powróci już zapewne do dyskusji na temat finalite, czyli finalnego celu: czym być – federacją, superpaństwem, czy też konfederacją państw, Europą Ojczyzn? Jednak integracja w głąb będzie postępować z tymi, którzy chcą, a bez tych, którzy nie chcą. Integracja finansowo- -gospodarcza w ramach UGW, wojskowa w ramach WPBiO, także w sprawach imigracyjnej, regionalnej i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. ; European Union, having back constitutional treaty refusal crisis, enlargement problems with new EU members and economic-financial crisis, seems to have overcome the most difficult period. Looks like "the devil alternative" – breaking up or deepen integration – is no more actual. Step by step, through EU leaders summit after summit recovery decisions, European Union is crawling towards deepen financial and fiscal integration. A number of diff erent long-term proposals have been put forward to deal with Eurozone crisis, as European Fiscal Union, a package for European bank recovery and other measures going to strict respect of financial convergence criteria. Brexit, the ongoing process of withdrawal of United Kingdom from EU will have deep impact on UK and EU mutual political-economic relations, being at the same time deep repulse of EU itself. The other unquiet and still lasting problem for EU was a sharp increase in the migration fl ows into European Union territory, making a lot of problems to EU countries. However, after bad results and the lack of proper approach to that problem European Union is preparing new common immigration policy. EU is also facing the impact of accession to office of a Eurosceptic party/governments violating the principles of law and EU values which makes a problem of EU infringement procedure efficiency. Having in mind all EU aspects of crisis, actually, it is difficult to foresee the return to the debate about finalite politique of European Union, which means answering the questions: what does EU have to be? Federation, super-state or only the Europe of Homelands?

The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment o f enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form o f cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity of integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study. ; The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment o f enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form o f cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity of integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study.

Przez ponad dekadę postanowienia o możliwości ustanowienia w Unii Europejskiej wzmocnionej współpracy (wprowadzone na mocy Traktatu z Amsterdamu) nie były wykorzystywane. Po raz pierwszy stało się to w 2010 r. Od tego momentu Rada UE jeszcze dwukrotnie podejmowała decyzje o ustanowieniu takiej współpracy - ostatnio w 2013 r. w sprawie podatku od transakcji finansowych (PTF; ang. financial transaction tax). W ten sposób wzmocniona współpraca staje się trwałą i coraz ważniejszą formą współpracy w UE, przyczyniając się do pogłębienia zróżnicowania integracji w Unii. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie znaczenia rozwoju wzmocnionej współpracy, w tym przede wszystkim kolejnej decyzji o jej ustanowieniu w zakresie PTF, dla funkcjonowania UE. Aby zarysować kontekstu tego problemu, syntetycznie wskazano także zawarte w traktatach podstawy prawne wzmocnionej współpracy, przejawy zróżnicowania integracji sprzed roku 2010, wymieniono działania i decyzje podjęte przez państwa i instytucje UE w związku z kryzy¬sem gospodarczym, które również wpłynęły na zróżnicowanie integracji w UE oraz krótko przybliżono dwa pierwsze przypadki ustanowienia wzmocnionej współpracy. Najistotniejsze wnioski zawarto w ostatniej części artykułu. ; The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment of enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form of cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity of integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study.

https://pressto.amu.edu.pl/index.php/rie/article/view/6188 ; The Treaty of Amsterdam introduced the provisions concerning the establishment of enhanced cooperation in the European Union that were not been applied for over a decade after its signing. The first time it happened was in 2010. The EU Council made a decision to establish such a form of cooperation on two more occasions - most recently in 2013, on a financial transaction tax (FTT). In this way, the enhanced cooperation has become a permanent and increasingly important form of cooperation within the EU, helping to deepen the diversity o f integration in the Union. The paper aims to show the importance of the development of enhanced cooperation, including in particular the subsequent decision to implement enhanced cooperation in the area of FTT, for the functioning of the EU. To outline the context of this problem, the legal basis for enhanced cooperation contained in the Treaties and the examples of integration diversity before 2010 are synthetically indicated; the actions and decisions taken by the states and the EU institutions in connection with the economic crisis, which also affected the diversity of integration in the EU, are listed; and the two first cases of enhanced cooperation are briefly described. The most important conclusions are contained in the final part of the study.

Today Europeanization is a notion that is frequently used; however, there is a clear shortage of, or even fragmentariness of scientific knowledge, within this scope. The research into the Europeanization processes were initiated by political scientists in the 1970s, although the notion itself only gained popularity in the 1990s alongside the realization of the commom European market. From that moment, Europeanization is a research problem that has attracted interest in numerous fields and scientific disciplines. David Floyd [2001, p. 109] emphasizes the fact that the majority of market changes which have occurred since the beginning of the twenty-first century took place as a result of Europeanization processes which are explicite, defined as the phenomenon of the regionalization processes. As Neil Fligstein [2009, p. 107] highlights, the "majority of the research concerning the European integration focuses only on political and legal processes (…) which is the reason for which researchers overlook the fact how deep the European economy has been reorganized". There are few works of the kind cited above, nor have there been many recent papers seeking to undertake broad and deep research into the Europeanization processes in both economic (including macro- and microeconomic fields) and noneconomic dimensions.

For past decades the two major consumers of Ukrainian products have been the CIS countries and the EU, both making up to 55% of the foreign trade turnover. An enactment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area in 2016 has significantly boosted the trade between Ukraine and the EU Member States and, from other hand, has indirectly contributed to the reduction of trade with key CIS partners. In result, basically, has occurred a reorientation of Ukrainian trade from Eastern partners to Western. The analysis of the foreign trade of Ukraine for the period 2010–2019 has proved the thesis that Ukraine has gained first of all quantitatively in trade integration with the EU and lost first of all qualitatively in diminished trade with the CIS.

The aim of the article is to deepen the discussion on the conceptualisation of migration policy as a specific public policy. The author analyzes the definitions of this policy formulated by Polish researchers and points out that their characteristic features are: the concentration on activities of state institutions and the reference to the functional and technical level of policy appropriate for public policy. At the same time, she observes that particular areas of public activity, including immigration, emigration and often also integration policies, are included in the scope of migration policy. The author proposes her own definition of migration policy as the totality of instruments, political actions and decisions designed and/or undertaken by the state authorities in relation to migration processes and their participants. She argues that migration policy should be distinguished from migration management, the term which was coined in order to name the (ostensibly) depoliticized, global migration control system.

Publikacja jest zbiorem artykułów z I Ogólnopolskiej Konferencji Studencko-Doktoranckiej, zorganizowanej 8 czerwca 2018 r. pt. "Świat, państwo, człowiek. Istota i perspektywy bezpieczeństwa w XXI wieku", zorganizowanej przez Koło Naukowe Doktorantów Nauk o Bezpieczeństwie UPH oraz Studenckie Koło Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego UPH ; Streszczenie: Republika Mołdawii położona jest pomiędzy geopolitycznym Wschodem i Zachodem i wciąż poszukuje swojej tożsamości, wizji, modelu rozwoju i transformacji. Jest ona jednym z państw objętych programem Europejskiej Polityki Sąsiedztwa i Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Mierząc się z licznymi problemami politycznymi i ekonomicznymi, dodatkowo stoi w obliczu spadku atrakcyjności Unii Europejskiej, której status na arenie międzynarodowej budzi kontrowersje. Stan ten świadczy o tym, że świat znajduje się w fazie głębokich przeobrażeń, a współczesny system stosunków międzynarodowych ulega burzliwej transformacji. ; Abstract: The Republic of Moldova is situated between the geopolitical east and west and it is still searching for its identity, vision and model of its development and transformation. It is one of the countries which have been involved in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the programme of the Eastern Partnership. Facing its numerous political and economic problems Moldova additionally has to cope with the fall of the attractiveness of the European Union whose status raises a lot of controversies on the international arena. This state indicates that the world is in the phase of deep transformations and the contemporary system of international relations undergoes a stormy transformation.

This article is a review of basic information on health policies and an introduction to the issue of their design and implementation in the Balkans. The purpose of this article is to discuss the general characteristics of health policies in the Balkans, the challenges and opportunities related to their determination, and implementation in the region and selected countries. The materials used in the preparation of the article are international publications and source documents regulating the issues raised in selected countries as well as studies of the International Health Organization. The methods used in the course of the work were analysis of source documents and data analysis. The work resulted in an article that concisely introduces the reader to the complex issue of health policies in a region still recovering from the armed conflict of the 1990s. The analysis of this issue indicates a deep differentiation of the undertaken activities and financing tools while emphasizing the similarity and often commonality of solutions. This is due to the level of development of individual countries, their economic capabilities, and the degree of advancement in integration processes with the European Union.

The European Union is a space o f continuous negotiations and an arena hosting the clashes of diverse integration options and concepts represented by EU member states and institutions. Furthermore, the disintegration of the EU (which dates back to the Maastricht Treaty) is becoming more and more visible. It is reflected directly by the presence in the European debate concerning multi-speed Europe and the current actions taken by the Eurozone states aimed at escalating the integration among selected states. Poland is also taking part in the debate concerning the future o f the European Union. The author of this paper attempted to examine Poland's place in the political and economic space o f the European Union by referring to the theory of integration. The research objective o f the paper is to analyse the Polish integration policy between late 1989 and 2012 within the context o f the international and European integration theory. The advanced research reflection in this scope in relation to Poland as the selected and important EU member state fits into the debate on the relevance of the European Union uniting concepts. The author posed the following research hypotheses in the dissertation: 1 .Considering the current stage o f development of the European Union, the Polish integration policy does not firmly support strictly one international or European integration concept. The Polish integration policy does not have a cohesive and stable integration policy concept and it is largely dependent on the policy and objectives of the current government (this is not only typical o f Poland) and the integration level. 2.Poland is strongly fixed in western structures, which makes the integration policy a vital component of development. What is more, the outlook on the European Union continues to evolve in the Polish political and social space. Poland sees the European Union as the main point o f reference in many political, economic, and social areas. 3.The organisation of the European Union does not only see Poland affect the form of the integration process, but also sees member states and EU organisations affect the functioning of Poland. The influence of a given state on the form o f the European Union mostly depends on the state's strength and significance in the EU community. This premise sees the place o f a given state in the system conditioned by the current factors, for example the European Union expansion process. Therefore, the interests o f Poland do not always correspond to the interests of the European Union, and the other way around. This deepens the EU's intergovernmental dimension. 4.Member states constitute the most important element o f the European Union. It is a union of states and nations supported by community institutions. This structure covers the convergence o f its methods, theories, and areas. This makes it impossible to profile the structure only from the perspective of the specified international integration theory. 5.The current stage o f the European Union's development, its challenges, and its problems show that the integration process continues to evolve and its result is impossible to foresee. 6.The current economic crisis influences the perception and management o f the European Union. The expectations include the intensification of intergovemmentalism and the establishment of multi-speed Union. If Poland remains outside of the Eurozone, it will find itself on the periphery o f the integration process, which is rather far from its very centre. Based on these research findings, Polish politics with regard to and, later, as part o f the EU can be divided into several principal periods. Period 1: (1989-1997) a time of consolidating Polish independence and security. This time was associated with the choice of a principal direction of the Polish foreign policy after 1989, i.e. Western Europe and declaration of Poland's will to take part in the process of its integration, without having any concrete vision for further course of those processes. This approach was often marked by a claiming attitude, both among political elites (marked by high instability) and the society (a simplified attitude, no social debate or knowledge about integration processes). During that period, Polish politics with regard to the EU cannot be ascribed to any specific model, since that policy was in statu nascendi at the time and was targeted at the EU membership, an objective in its own right. Period 2: (1998-2004) a time of negotiating Poland's accession to the EU, and the candidate's becoming accustomed to the rules o f EU's workings. There was still no vision o f integration processes from the Polish perspective and related opinions were expressed in a very cautious way. The primary aim was membership in the EU, such that was available at a given moment. At the same time, we should stress an important moment in the process of changes: the breakthrough o f the years 1999/2000. The interest in issues related to Poland's integration with the EU grew more intense then. The Polish government began to address this issue not only from the local perspective (a balance o f benefits and losses), but also expressed opinions on the reformation of the EU as a whole. Poland came as a difficult candidate for an EU member state (Polish support for US activities in Iraq and Afghanistan). This "difficulty" also emerged in the government's seeking to secure Poland's financial interests in connection with the accession. It was a period of preparations for membership, marked by a high level o f uncertainty (no clear vision, conflicting views: strong Union or preservation of independence, Common Foreign and Security Policy or working with the USA). Period 3: (2005-2007) a process aimed at building a vision of "Europe of Solidary Nations" in the EU by the government o f K. Marcinkiewicz and J. Kaczyński. Decisive, though not quite stable, support for international liberalism in the Polish integration policy. This manifested itself in reinforcing the Euro-realistic stance, both within Poland and abroad, by many considered, in fact, Eurosceptic. Period 4: (since 2008 to this day) a period of an integration vision being developed by D. Tusk's government, especially the Minister o f Foreign Affairs, R. Sikorski. It is a time of big changes and evolution in the Polish integration policy. An important issue at this time was a real sense of benefits coming from Poland's integration with the EU and the Polish government's pro-European attitude. The integration policy being developed shows a more flexible approach to the concept of independence (emergence o f collective independence) and thinking about the Polish foreign policy from the EU perspective. Additionally, we observed a return to constructing strategic partnership between Poland and Germany, rationalisation of partnership with the USA, Poland's active contribution to solving EU problems (e.g. the economic crisis), working towards a better "Eastern policy" as part of the EU. R. Sikorski was the first Polish Minister o f Foreign Affairs to have officially used the concept of federalism and vow his support for it in integration processes, mindful of Polish experiences and historical heritage in this respect. The Polish government expresses a firm objection to the idea of "multi-speed" Europe and builds an image o f Poland as an active member state (presidency at the EU Council), enjoying a good economic situation and having a society with an enthusiastic approach to the integration processes and strong Europe, and seeking to be as close to the "epicentre" o f countries behind this process.The analysis o f the integrative concepts presented in this paper shows that the different periods of the Polish integration policy (establishment and execution) saw and continue to see various levels in the majority of the international integration theory elements (of course, this is not just a Polish characteristic in the European Union, but rather a predominant trend in the Union's integration process). This has been and continues to be conditioned in large part by the foreign policy objectives of the given government, as well as by the current challenges and problems Poland is facing. In the case of the Polish integration policy, as in most other EU member states, we can observe an aggregation of interests, concepts and attitudes. This research project seeks to systematise them.