One of today major problems of public administration – defense system of the state and planning of her strategy. Sucha situation is, because too small attention was paid for it in literature of public administration, like a specific problem that belong to sector of public administration. This problem often is solved only in military aspect, and is hold as a part of military defense system. There are not enough competitive specialist and experts who would understand sucha problem and would take part solving it as well. It is very important to understand, that defense system is systematic objekt and all problematic should be taken as a whole system that integrate and accumulate different, even opposite elements. Spectrum of methods is very wide, and amount is very large, and for realization well-organized and effective management should be involved. Effectiveness of defense system depends on ability to use all possible resources that are in the state. That is why defense system and control of he implementation should belong to public administration.
One of today major problems of public administration – defense system of the state and planning of her strategy. Sucha situation is, because too small attention was paid for it in literature of public administration, like a specific problem that belong to sector of public administration. This problem often is solved only in military aspect, and is hold as a part of military defense system. There are not enough competitive specialist and experts who would understand sucha problem and would take part solving it as well. It is very important to understand, that defense system is systematic objekt and all problematic should be taken as a whole system that integrate and accumulate different, even opposite elements. Spectrum of methods is very wide, and amount is very large, and for realization well-organized and effective management should be involved. Effectiveness of defense system depends on ability to use all possible resources that are in the state. That is why defense system and control of he implementation should belong to public administration.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Actions by Egyptian Defense Minister on July 3rd, 2013 were performed in breach of constitutional provisions that were set by the nation to live in accordance with, and this Constitution was validated in a referendum. According to the Constitution, Defense Minister is not the Protector of the Constitution; furthermore, no right is provisioned for him to terminate the validity of the Constitution. The Egyptian Constitution does not provide the Defense Minister with a right to dismiss the President of the Republic from the office and to appoint a constitutional jurisdiction judge to a temporary President office. What is more, it was possible to solve a political crisis apparent in a country and to avoid breaches of the Constitution by implementing other constitutional means (noconfidence, impeachment or election institutions).
Actions by Egyptian Defense Minister on July 3rd, 2013 were performed in breach of constitutional provisions that were set by the nation to live in accordance with, and this Constitution was validated in a referendum. According to the Constitution, Defense Minister is not the Protector of the Constitution; furthermore, no right is provisioned for him to terminate the validity of the Constitution. The Egyptian Constitution does not provide the Defense Minister with a right to dismiss the President of the Republic from the office and to appoint a constitutional jurisdiction judge to a temporary President office. What is more, it was possible to solve a political crisis apparent in a country and to avoid breaches of the Constitution by implementing other constitutional means (noconfidence, impeachment or election institutions).
Article analyzes military officers¢ career management in the context of global human resources management trends. Nowadays careers of majority of employees of public and private sector organizations are becoming more individualized and flexible, employees are entitled more responsibility in career decision making. However it remains unclear how changes in career management polices and practice have to affect army structures, what and how career expectations of military offices have to be developed and satisfied within the military system. Military officers' careers can not just happen due to uncontrolled reasons or due to expression of private interests as this could hurt the security of the country. Military careers has to be systemically, rationally and transparently regulated taking into consideration the needs of the military structures also clearly defining the merits, competencies, qualifications and values of the military officers which have to be taken into consideration in career decision making.
Article analyzes military officers¢ career management in the context of global human resources management trends. Nowadays careers of majority of employees of public and private sector organizations are becoming more individualized and flexible, employees are entitled more responsibility in career decision making. However it remains unclear how changes in career management polices and practice have to affect army structures, what and how career expectations of military offices have to be developed and satisfied within the military system. Military officers' careers can not just happen due to uncontrolled reasons or due to expression of private interests as this could hurt the security of the country. Military careers has to be systemically, rationally and transparently regulated taking into consideration the needs of the military structures also clearly defining the merits, competencies, qualifications and values of the military officers which have to be taken into consideration in career decision making.
Actions by Egyptian Defense Minister on July 3rd, 2013 raised a question on what sort of means secure democratic military control and whether a democratic state can limit and control the use of force in a democratic manner. For this reason, in comparison with constitutional provisions of other states that embody different forms of government, this article analyses the constitutional status of a state leader as a head of military forces that was infixed in the Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt of December 26th, 2012, and also what constitutional fundamentals existed for Egyptian Defense Minister to perform actions on July 3rd, 2013, or to prevent these actions from materializing. The process that at the moment is in action in Egypt is an important test for democracy, which up until now the state has been having trouble to pass. When looking at the state government system provisioned by the Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt of December 26th, 2012, it becomes clear that the Constitution lacks more visible balance of power, which in turn creates the lack of democracy. Various military councils and military forces are equal to other three state powers (legislative, executive and judicial), but in a democratic country, military institutions of the state cannot be ascribed to state government institutions and furthermore have a priority over them. On the contrary, military state institutions must be liable to civil state institutions and must be controlled by them, and their decisions must be based on decisions by civil state institutions. Actions by Egyptian Defense Minister on July 3rd, 2013 were performed in breach of constitutional provisions that were set by the nation to live in accordance with, and this Constitution was validated in a referendum. According to the Constitution, Defense Minister is not the Protector of the Constitution; furthermore, no right is provisioned for him to terminate the validity of the Constitution. The Egyptian Constitution does not provide the Defense Minister with a right to dismiss the President of the Republic from the office and to appoint a constitutional jurisdiction judge to a temporary President office. What is more, it was possible to solve a political crisis apparent in a country and to avoid breaches of the Constitution by implementing other constitutional means (noconfidence, impeachment or election institutions). ; Liberalios demokratinės valstybės kariauja, kad apsaugotų fundamentalią valdymo formą nuo užpuolimų, ar tai būtų valstybės, besivadovaujančios skirtingais konstituciniais principais, ar teroristinės organizacijos, ketinančios sunaikinti jos integralumą1. Tačiau visuomeniniai neramumai pačios valstybės viduje ir galiausiai 2013 m. liepos 3 d. Egipto gynybos ministro veiksmai iškėlė klausimą, o kokios priemonės užtikrina demokratinę kariuomenės kontrolę, ar demokratinė valstybė gali apriboti ir kontroliuoti ginkluotųjų pajėgų panaudojimą demokratiškai. Valstybės vadžios institucijų galių pasiskirstymas (valdžių padalijimo principas) pirmiausiai įtvirtinamas konstitucijoje. Šiame straipsnyje, lyginant su kitų valstybių, įkūnijančių skirtingas valdymo formas, konstitucinėmis nuostatomis, analizuojamas 2012 m. gruodžio 26 d. Egipto Arabų Respublikos Konstitucijoje įtvirtintas valstybės vadovo, kaip vyriausiojo ginkluotųjų pajėgų vado, konstitucinis statusas ir konstituciniai pagrindai, kuriais 2013 m. liepos 3 d. turėjo vadovautis Egipto gynybos ministras.
This abrupt increase in demands to a physician and his legal responsibility was not preceded by a related increase in his abilities and resources necessary to adapt to the change in law. This caused the set off of unintended side-effects, which arise from doctors' intent to defend themselves from probable legal prosecution and which brought about a decrease of the quality of health care. Multiple manifestations of defensive medicine and its consequences for health care are reviewed. Ways and prospects for solutions to the problem of "defensive medicine" (especially, ensuring feasibility of related legal provisions) are examined.
This abrupt increase in demands to a physician and his legal responsibility was not preceded by a related increase in his abilities and resources necessary to adapt to the change in law. This caused the set off of unintended side-effects, which arise from doctors' intent to defend themselves from probable legal prosecution and which brought about a decrease of the quality of health care. Multiple manifestations of defensive medicine and its consequences for health care are reviewed. Ways and prospects for solutions to the problem of "defensive medicine" (especially, ensuring feasibility of related legal provisions) are examined.
In this work the development and transformation of the defense capability (it embraces not only military but also political and diplomatic instruments) of the Republic of Lithuania in 1990-2004 is analyzed in a general sense. The research is based on unpublished archival sources, official documents and historiography and evaluates the totality of decisions, actions and circumstances, that created opportunities for the Republic of Lithuania to move from a militarily weak state to a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and to build up a qualified military force and effectively resolve the national security threats during 1990-2004. The paper analyzes the restoration of the defense capability of the Republic of Lithuania in the initial stage of individual defense (until 1994), political development of defense capability by joining NATO, military strengthening and foreign support in transforming Lithuanian armed forces, development and transformation of territorial defense and an asymmetric response, moving from the principle of individual to collective defense.
In this work the development and transformation of the defense capability (it embraces not only military but also political and diplomatic instruments) of the Republic of Lithuania in 1990-2004 is analyzed in a general sense. The research is based on unpublished archival sources, official documents and historiography and evaluates the totality of decisions, actions and circumstances, that created opportunities for the Republic of Lithuania to move from a militarily weak state to a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and to build up a qualified military force and effectively resolve the national security threats during 1990-2004. The paper analyzes the restoration of the defense capability of the Republic of Lithuania in the initial stage of individual defense (until 1994), political development of defense capability by joining NATO, military strengthening and foreign support in transforming Lithuanian armed forces, development and transformation of territorial defense and an asymmetric response, moving from the principle of individual to collective defense.
