Suchergebnisse

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

ABSTRACTThe word democracy is increasingly popular in various developing countries, both at the level of discourse and the level of the social and political movements. As a political system, democracy has topped many countries because it is considered capable of regulating and resolving social and political relations, both involving interests between individuals in society, relations between communities, society and countries and between countries in the world. The collapse of communism in 1989 became an important momentum for democracy as a political system to spread its influence throughout the world. As a concept, democracy has a broad meaning with its own complexity. This paper tries to explain the variance of democracy, especially the debate between liberal democracies and social democracy. Besides that, he also tried to explain the practice of democracy in Indonesia after the 1998 reform era and showed the problems faced by this country in creating a democratic society. Finally this paper wants to explain that democratization in Indonesia is still in process and there are still many things that need to be addressed. Keywords: democratization, liberals, social, acceleration, Indonesia

Indonesia has been present and is still able to maintain itself as a democracy icon that should be followed by other countries. As one of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia in more than ten years is continue growing and transforming with its diversity in society, the dynamics and diversity issues. Indonesia was still able to maintain its identity as a democracy. Through these facts, this paper tried to describe the political situation in Indonesia in the 2014 Presidential Election, as well as reflect further on the response and the effect of foreign parties to the democratic mechanism. What happens in the electoral process in recent months and how Indonesia continues to become an example of the success stories of various identity democracies as diverse as a multicultural country, developing countries, as well as the country with the largest Muslim adherents in the world. This paper sees the problem through the concept of elections and democracy based on the analysis of identity. Where the author tried to look outside the box of the electoral process in the domestic political analysis that has been done before. Probe Indonesia based on its identity in the international sphere as a democratic state becomes interesting when its identity was assessed by comparing it with other identities such as identity and role as a developing country and collective identity as the Southeast Asian country. The papers argue that the election process in Indonesia is not only shaped by domestic factors. Indonesia democratization maturity today can't be separated from the support of international and Indonesian efforts in playing a role and maintain its identity as a democratic country in the international sphere. Keywords: democracy, election, identity

Following the 1948 Bucarest resolution of the COMINFORM, better known as Information Office (TI) the situation between Yugoslavia and the neighbouring peoples" democracies dramatically worsened. However secret data collection and network organisation between the opposing parties started much earlier. Tito was in an advantageous position concerning intelligence because in the framework of the Allied Control Commission he had a military mission working in Hungary. The representatives of the mission had fruitful relationship with important Hungarian political and military personalities. After the acceptance of the Soviet dictate mapping the foreign relationships, internal situation, industrial capacity, stocks of raw materials, and military preparedness of the country led by Tito the "main evil", the "dog of the imperialists" had an important place in the activities of the secret services of the peace camp.

In the independent Croatia elections are among the most important political processes, hence they are the central elements of the whole transition. The importance of elections has increased the importance of electoral systems as institutional forms of arranging elections, and they became main constitutional arrangements of the new democratic country. There have been no any new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe with such frequent and radical changes of electoral systems in the first decade after political changes. In the entire transitional region there has been no country that in ten years carried out three big, electoral reforms. In ten years, all the central models of the electoral systems for the first chamber of the Parliament have been remoulded: the absolute majority system (1990), the segmented system with the equal ratio of direct and closed list seats (1992), the segmented system with the preponderant share of the closed list seats (1995) and the proportional representation (2000).

What are our possibilities for removing our virtual presence from just being there for production of signs and meanings? What are the conditions under which we can benefit from the experience of being fully present in our identity on virtual platforms and stay connected with others? Social media seems to be an opportunity for this, but it happens the exact opposite: we just become a sign for our identity. Communicating our fictional selfs and meanings with others, however, gives a presence to this sign of identity. Meaning effects and presence effects (Gumbrecht) are inseparable from each other.

This paper analyses some basic questions and gives a review of literature so further the ways in which media-practices are mapped and the impact of media usage on our identity-constructions, on our relationships with others and on our reflection of the world we live in can be researched in the terms of this project.