Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.
Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.
Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.
Terrorism is not what could be called a new phenomenon in the world. The end of the Cold War and globalisation, however, "have let the genie out of the bottle". In this article the author analyses issues pertaining to the definition of terrorism, tendencies of the terrorist threat (particularly, causes of the growing fatality of terrorism), the impact of globalisation on the phenomenon of terrorism and opportunities and dangers behind the fight against terrorism in the globalisation age. The article claims that during the age of globalisation terrorism becomes popular not only as a means for an asymmetric fight against the stronger opponent of the world's "evil" states; the fight against terrorism is more and more often used as a supplementary instrument in the external and internal policies of Western world democracies. Devoid of an agreement on what terrorism is, states, facing the pressure of foreign and internal interests and/or external pressure, have become used to exaggerating the appeal of the terrorist threat, which, in turn, creates a counterproductive effect and increases security stakes.
Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.
Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.
Democratization and liberalization are very elaborate processes. This is very obvious in the region of Central Asia. Just after collapse of USSR countries like Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan had to create new or completely modify old constitutions and electoral laws. Officially both countries had chosen democratic systems. That is also marked in the first articles of their constitutions. However real politics in these countries is based on their leaders, "clans" and separate regions preferences. De jure and de facto democracies are accomplished in many different ways. Traditionally democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and freedom of association – while provided for in the constitutions - are suppressed and/or severely limited. Several democratic transition theories and their adoption in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan will be presented in this study. It will be overviewed not only their development but also marked different classification. Most of the study will be concentrated into electoral systems development and development of each country's constitutions after collapse of USSR. It will be marked different types of ruling systems, which have provided each electoral law or constitution amendments.
The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.
The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.
The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.
The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.
Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.
Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.
Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.
