Suchergebnisse

We respond to Greta Thunberg's call for democracy to protect, restore and fund forests by taking it to the commoner s' assemblies of baldios – mountain community forests returned to the local people, in Portugal, in the aftermath of the Carnation Revolution. We highlight that when trees are considered as a technology to repair climate, they must be understood as a tool whose purpose is set by the people. By telling the tale of the afforestation of baldios, we show that trees can be harmful for local populations when their plantation disrupts local ways of being without providing alternatives, changing fire regimes. We argue the ontological transformation that results from the break-up of mutually constitutive relationships between the people and mountain places opened the way for 'Faustian contracts' – a loss of 'the soul' – by selling the long-term provision of goods to address short-term needs. When decentralization processes are captured by Faustian contracts, they can result in a battle of democracies, opposing participatory democracies to representative democracies of parishes and municipalities. Community forestry is then reframed as a struggle not so much about local control, but to gain back the soul and collectively set directions to face adversities.

The constituent process in which Chile is currently engaged has opened a new phase in the history of the Latin American nation. On the table, in fact, there is not "only" the adoption of a new constitution, but a fundamental pillar of the dictatorial legacy. Legacy that calls into question the profound lacerations produced by the extremely complex civic-military regime, which guided the country from 1973 to 1990, as well as the limits, contradictions and complicities of the period of democratic governments. ; The constituent process in which Chile is currently engaged has opened a new phase in the history of the Latin American nation. On the table, in fact, there is not "only" the adoption of a new constitution, but a fundamental pillar of the dictatorial legacy. Legacy that calls into question the profound lacerations produced by the extremely complex civic-military regime, which guided the country from 1973 to 1990, as well as the limits, contradictions and complicities of the period of democratic governments.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

This thesis focuses on the secessionist tendencies in two Spanish regions – The Basque Country and Catalonia. The aim of this thesis is to examine the factors that have triggered secession demands in these two cases. The thesis establishes a theoretical framework which embraces three causal determinants with regards to democratic secessionist mobilization. Firstly, it is argued that a cultural solidarity based on common cultural markers is an essential factor for any secession movement to emerge. Secondly, a relative economic advantage and fiscal issues may also pave the way for decisions concerning secessions. Thirdly, the political factors such as discontent with the state-wide policies and the existence of regional parties are also regarded as crucial determinants of secessionist mobilization. Having applied this framework to the cases of Basques and Catalonia, it was shown that cultural based determinants have little relevance to the empirical cases. In spite of the existence of a regional language, the data revealed that both regions can be regarded more as culturally fragmented rather than as homogenous. From the economic point of view, it was argued that both regions may be described as relatively affluent with respect to the Spanish state. However, the economic determinants were proved to be of much higher importance in the case of Catalonia. This is due to the Spanish fiscal policies and a specific fiscal arrangement applied to the Basque Country that allows the Basque Country to enjoy some degree of fiscal autonomy. The analysis of political factors showed that the institutional decentralization in both cases positively affects secessionist tendencies by providing regional parties with better representation in political arena. Thus, discontent with state-wide policies can be expressed. However, while Catalan political discourse is clearly secession-oriented, the Basque case shows quite a different trend. In The Basque Country there is a nationalist division which is reflected through the two main regional parties with distinct ideological backgrounds.

L'opera collettanea che viene presa in considerazione si inserisce in un filone ormai consolidato di studi consacrati alle più recenti insidie al costituzionalismo e, in particolare, al ricco versante delle "democrazie illiberali". ; L'opera collettanea che viene presa in considerazione si inserisce in un filone ormai consolidato di studi consacrati alle più recenti insidie al costituzionalismo e, in particolare, al ricco versante delle "democrazie illiberali".

Aircraft silhouettes on front and back covers. Table of aircraft silhouettes on p. [23]. ; Issued also in French, Portuguese and Spanish. ; Label on cover: Restricted . Not for distribution in the United States or to American . personnel overseas. ; "Pubblicato dall'Ufficio informazioni di guerra degli Stati Uniti d'America." ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Restricted this publication is not for distribution in the United States or to American civilian or military personnel overseas"--Cover. ; Cover title. ; Digital reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Description based on print version record.

In the so-called old democracies and a little more advanced new democracies (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), people's initiative and entrepreneurship are clearly noticeable. Travelling through Southern or Western Poland one can see a lot of notices inviting to have lunch, bed, to buy furniture or other goods. It is obvious that people offer their services, want to earn by themselves, and satisfy rising consumer needs. They do not wait to be employed and (or) to be supported by someone else. Many of them are self-employed: they work, offer, buy and sell. That is how they make their living, supply services to others and pay taxes to the state. Such an idealistic representation of business environment encourages stopping for a while and asking such questions as: why situation is not the same in Lithuania? What do we lack or what is too much? Is it possible to have favourable business conditions in the country that has 3.2 million people and, according to the official statistics, 1.6 million of them are employed (Statistics… 2012)? Can it be that our legal acts do not allow working or they restrict people's initiative and do not allow starting their own businesses? [.]

In the so-called old democracies and a little more advanced new democracies (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), people's initiative and entrepreneurship are clearly noticeable. Travelling through Southern or Western Poland one can see a lot of notices inviting to have lunch, bed, to buy furniture or other goods. It is obvious that people offer their services, want to earn by themselves, and satisfy rising consumer needs. They do not wait to be employed and (or) to be supported by someone else. Many of them are self-employed: they work, offer, buy and sell. That is how they make their living, supply services to others and pay taxes to the state. Such an idealistic representation of business environment encourages stopping for a while and asking such questions as: why situation is not the same in Lithuania? What do we lack or what is too much? Is it possible to have favourable business conditions in the country that has 3.2 million people and, according to the official statistics, 1.6 million of them are employed (Statistics… 2012)? Can it be that our legal acts do not allow working or they restrict people's initiative and do not allow starting their own businesses? [.]

In the so-called old democracies and a little more advanced new democracies (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), people's initiative and entrepreneurship are clearly noticeable. Travelling through Southern or Western Poland one can see a lot of notices inviting to have lunch, bed, to buy furniture or other goods. It is obvious that people offer their services, want to earn by themselves, and satisfy rising consumer needs. They do not wait to be employed and (or) to be supported by someone else. Many of them are self-employed: they work, offer, buy and sell. That is how they make their living, supply services to others and pay taxes to the state. Such an idealistic representation of business environment encourages stopping for a while and asking such questions as: why situation is not the same in Lithuania? What do we lack or what is too much? Is it possible to have favourable business conditions in the country that has 3.2 million people and, according to the official statistics, 1.6 million of them are employed (Statistics… 2012)? Can it be that our legal acts do not allow working or they restrict people's initiative and do not allow starting their own businesses? [.]

In the so-called old democracies and a little more advanced new democracies (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), people's initiative and entrepreneurship are clearly noticeable. Travelling through Southern or Western Poland one can see a lot of notices inviting to have lunch, bed, to buy furniture or other goods. It is obvious that people offer their services, want to earn by themselves, and satisfy rising consumer needs. They do not wait to be employed and (or) to be supported by someone else. Many of them are self-employed: they work, offer, buy and sell. That is how they make their living, supply services to others and pay taxes to the state. Such an idealistic representation of business environment encourages stopping for a while and asking such questions as: why situation is not the same in Lithuania? What do we lack or what is too much? Is it possible to have favourable business conditions in the country that has 3.2 million people and, according to the official statistics, 1.6 million of them are employed (Statistics… 2012)? Can it be that our legal acts do not allow working or they restrict people's initiative and do not allow starting their own businesses? [.]

Ascertaining that today immigration phenomenon has considerable effects on legal systems, the paper aims to demonstrate that foreigner and, in particular, his hospitality, should not be conceived as a challenge. In fact, if we analyze it such a challenge, it suggests an opposition and a hostility between a winner (which normally is the State and the citizens) and a loser (which is the foreigner). Furthermore, it implies a dichotomy between an unconditional openness to immigration and the hostile and rigid closure of the territories, and, at the same time, it could also lead to a "fragmentation" of citizenship and to the "dissolution" of the statÈs sovereignty. Therefore, it is more appropriate to interpret it as a chance and an opportunity for constitutional democracies and for the process of European integration.