Suchergebnisse

We respond to Greta Thunberg's call for democracy to protect, restore and fund forests by taking it to the commoner s' assemblies of baldios – mountain community forests returned to the local people, in Portugal, in the aftermath of the Carnation Revolution. We highlight that when trees are considered as a technology to repair climate, they must be understood as a tool whose purpose is set by the people. By telling the tale of the afforestation of baldios, we show that trees can be harmful for local populations when their plantation disrupts local ways of being without providing alternatives, changing fire regimes. We argue the ontological transformation that results from the break-up of mutually constitutive relationships between the people and mountain places opened the way for 'Faustian contracts' – a loss of 'the soul' – by selling the long-term provision of goods to address short-term needs. When decentralization processes are captured by Faustian contracts, they can result in a battle of democracies, opposing participatory democracies to representative democracies of parishes and municipalities. Community forestry is then reframed as a struggle not so much about local control, but to gain back the soul and collectively set directions to face adversities.

The constituent process in which Chile is currently engaged has opened a new phase in the history of the Latin American nation. On the table, in fact, there is not "only" the adoption of a new constitution, but a fundamental pillar of the dictatorial legacy. Legacy that calls into question the profound lacerations produced by the extremely complex civic-military regime, which guided the country from 1973 to 1990, as well as the limits, contradictions and complicities of the period of democratic governments. ; The constituent process in which Chile is currently engaged has opened a new phase in the history of the Latin American nation. On the table, in fact, there is not "only" the adoption of a new constitution, but a fundamental pillar of the dictatorial legacy. Legacy that calls into question the profound lacerations produced by the extremely complex civic-military regime, which guided the country from 1973 to 1990, as well as the limits, contradictions and complicities of the period of democratic governments.

The generalized perception that the international system is changing due to the emergence of new great powers has been motivating analysts & policy makers to advance new proposals for institutional cooperation among democracies. This article studies two of those proposals -- John McCain's "League of Democracies" & the one of a study group of Princeton University -- and argues that they have very different origins & possible outcomes. Their differences are grounded in two competing conceptions of the United States role as global liberal actor. Adapted from the source document.

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos paradoxos relacionados ao liberalismo econômico e os discursos de segurança a ele subjacentes que, embora neguem os princípios basilares das democracias modernas, passam a fazer parte delas. Neste exame o principal eixo teórico será o pensamento de Foucault. Primeiramente será apontado que o liberalismo econômico, na análise foucaultiana, tem como premissa uma essência antropológica de ser humano, pois assume como ponto de partida que a liberdade só floresce na ausência de constrangimentos. Na medida em que esta premissa metafísica se impõe às instituições das democracias modernas, alguns desdobramentos se colocam. Surge a noção de que o papel das instituições democráticas é o de proporcionar liberdade. Entretanto, só pode haver liberdade se houver segurança. Assim, impõe-se um paradoxo: as democracias têm como telos a liberdade, mas a liberdade pressupõe medidas de segurança (na guerra ao terror, por exemplo) que negam tanto os preceitos democráticos quanto a própria liberdade. ; This article aims to analyze some of the paradoxes related to economic liberalism and the underlying security discourses that, although denying the basic principles of modern democracies, become part of them. In this exam the main theoretical axis will be Foucault's thought. First, it will be pointed out that economic liberalism, in Foucaultian analysis, has as its premise an anthropological essence of being human, since it assumes as its starting point that freedom only flourishes in the absence of constraints. As this metaphysical premise imposes itself on the institutions of modern democracies, some developments are posed. Arises the notion that the role of democratic institutions is to provide freedom. However, there can be freedom only if there is security. Therefore, a paradox is imposed: democracies have freedom as their telos, but freedom presupposes security measures (in the war on terror, for example) that deny both democratic precepts and freedom itself.

L'opera collettanea che viene presa in considerazione si inserisce in un filone ormai consolidato di studi consacrati alle più recenti insidie al costituzionalismo e, in particolare, al ricco versante delle "democrazie illiberali". ; L'opera collettanea che viene presa in considerazione si inserisce in un filone ormai consolidato di studi consacrati alle più recenti insidie al costituzionalismo e, in particolare, al ricco versante delle "democrazie illiberali".

Aircraft silhouettes on front and back covers. Table of aircraft silhouettes on p. [23]. ; Issued also in French, Portuguese and Spanish. ; Label on cover: Restricted . Not for distribution in the United States or to American . personnel overseas. ; "Pubblicato dall'Ufficio informazioni di guerra degli Stati Uniti d'America." ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Restricted this publication is not for distribution in the United States or to American civilian or military personnel overseas"--Cover. ; Cover title. ; Digital reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Description based on print version record.

Ascertaining that today immigration phenomenon has considerable effects on legal systems, the paper aims to demonstrate that foreigner and, in particular, his hospitality, should not be conceived as a challenge. In fact, if we analyze it such a challenge, it suggests an opposition and a hostility between a winner (which normally is the State and the citizens) and a loser (which is the foreigner). Furthermore, it implies a dichotomy between an unconditional openness to immigration and the hostile and rigid closure of the territories, and, at the same time, it could also lead to a "fragmentation" of citizenship and to the "dissolution" of the statÈs sovereignty. Therefore, it is more appropriate to interpret it as a chance and an opportunity for constitutional democracies and for the process of European integration.

To discuss, after the end of twentieth-century utopias, the possibility and meaning of the idea of "the alternative" within the social and political realm entails the necessity to understand opportunities and limits inherent in the structural and cultural conditions of the global society. This essay introduces three theoretical insights and proposes them as fundamental axes for the analysis of the problem. The contemporary society can be described as morphogenetic and without an outside in the process of undergoing radical transformations concerning its profound symbolic nature; such transformations can be noted through the category of axiality, which is tied to the distinction between immanence and transcendence. The thesis of this essay is that the abovementioned conceptual framework uncovers some paradoxes at the heart of the global society, most notably, its complex mixture of opening and closure. The framework also facilitates analyzing emerging phenomena within such a context and helps identifying those that can still be considered "alternatives." This enables escaping the unilateralism of the new grand narratives and thinking of other possible paths of development that are void of grandeur and alternative to the current, strong tendencies that lead to the ascent of illiberal democracies and liberal post-democracies, to a renewed absolutization of Realpolitik, and to the construction of a post-social future.