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The generalized perception that the international system is changing due to the emergence of new great powers has been motivating analysts & policy makers to advance new proposals for institutional cooperation among democracies. This article studies two of those proposals -- John McCain's "League of Democracies" & the one of a study group of Princeton University -- and argues that they have very different origins & possible outcomes. Their differences are grounded in two competing conceptions of the United States role as global liberal actor. Adapted from the source document.

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos paradoxos relacionados ao liberalismo econômico e os discursos de segurança a ele subjacentes que, embora neguem os princípios basilares das democracias modernas, passam a fazer parte delas. Neste exame o principal eixo teórico será o pensamento de Foucault. Primeiramente será apontado que o liberalismo econômico, na análise foucaultiana, tem como premissa uma essência antropológica de ser humano, pois assume como ponto de partida que a liberdade só floresce na ausência de constrangimentos. Na medida em que esta premissa metafísica se impõe às instituições das democracias modernas, alguns desdobramentos se colocam. Surge a noção de que o papel das instituições democráticas é o de proporcionar liberdade. Entretanto, só pode haver liberdade se houver segurança. Assim, impõe-se um paradoxo: as democracias têm como telos a liberdade, mas a liberdade pressupõe medidas de segurança (na guerra ao terror, por exemplo) que negam tanto os preceitos democráticos quanto a própria liberdade. ; This article aims to analyze some of the paradoxes related to economic liberalism and the underlying security discourses that, although denying the basic principles of modern democracies, become part of them. In this exam the main theoretical axis will be Foucault's thought. First, it will be pointed out that economic liberalism, in Foucaultian analysis, has as its premise an anthropological essence of being human, since it assumes as its starting point that freedom only flourishes in the absence of constraints. As this metaphysical premise imposes itself on the institutions of modern democracies, some developments are posed. Arises the notion that the role of democratic institutions is to provide freedom. However, there can be freedom only if there is security. Therefore, a paradox is imposed: democracies have freedom as their telos, but freedom presupposes security measures (in the war on terror, for example) that deny both democratic precepts and freedom itself.

What is the power of a health promotion politcs if it does not take the risk of walking in a democratic participation way, involving health care professionals and local people in a reciprocity manner? Today we are historically facing two representations that cause serious disruptions. The first one separates experts and laymen; the second, deepens the gap between politicians (the elected) and the citizen. We should then propose a "making together" in order to create the debate, the confrontation, to build a common world. From the perspective of the individual who transforming himself, changes his own world of uncertainties, this article aims to address the question of the "place" where the social action happens. How a place can be a "place of learning"? How the place participates of a collective action, as an expression of cultural identity and solidarity? A policy of health promotion can favorize the transforming action which proposes a exploration of the world based on learning, experimentation, deliberation and respect for plurality? ; Qual o poder de uma política de promoção da saúde se esta não se arrisca nos caminhos da participação democrática, envolvendo de maneira recíproca os profissionais de saúde e os habitantes locais? Estamos hoje, historicamente, diante de duas representações que provocam rupturas graves. A primeira separa especialistas e leigos; a segunda, aprofunda a distância entre os políticos (os eleitos) e os cidadãos comuns. Devemos então propor um "fazer juntos" para criar o debate, a confrontação, e assim construir um mundo comum. A partir da perspectiva do sujeito ativo que se transformando, modifica o mundo de incertezas que é o seu próprio, este artigo pretende abordar a questão do "lugar" onde se desenrola o agir social. Como um lugar pode ser um "lugar aprendente"? Como o lugar participa da ação coletiva, enquanto expressão de identidade cultural e de solidariedade? Uma política de promoção da saúde pode, então, favorecer a ação transformadora que propõe a exploração do mundo a partir da aprendizagem, da experimentação, da deliberação e do respeito à pluralidade? ; Que peut-être une politique de promotion de la santé si elle ne se risque pas dans des démarches de participation démocratique au titre des implications réciproques entre les professionnels et les habitants des lieux? Or, aujourd'hui, nous sommes face historiquement à deux délégations produisant deux coupures vives. La première qui sépare les spécialistes et des habitants profanes; la seconde qui creuse l'écart entre les politiciens (les élus) et les citoyens ordinaires. Il nous faut alors poser un "faire ensemble" pour créer du débat, de la confrontation pour construire un monde commun. Dans cette perspective d'un sujet actif qui se transforme lui-même tout en transformant le monde d'incertitudes qui est le sien, nous voulons aborder la question du "lieu" où se déploie l'agir social. Comment un lieu peut-il être un "lieu apprenant"? Comment le lieu participe-t-il de l'action collective comme expression d'identité culturelle et de solidarité collective? Une politique de promotion de la santé peut alors favoriser une pratique d'action de transformation qui pose l'exploration du monde commun, l'apprentissage, l'expérimentation, la délibération, dans le respect de la pluralité.

The direct or indirect use of the democratic peace thesis with power transition theory and the preeminent rise of China among emergent powers led to a systematic disregard of the role of rising democracies in the upcoming international order. This article studies India's case and concludes that rising democracies also challenge the current normative basis of states' relations, in a different way than autocracies. New Delhi's foreign policy in recent years suggests that the theoretical tools are not fully adequate to address these cases. Adapted from the source document.

The text is part of a doctoral research process in education, and dialogues, in an essayistic manner, with themes such as the city, images, body and everyday affective crossings. These dialogues tension with education, history, daily life and other ways of thinking about the urban tangle, anchored in the cartographic method. Through formative processes experienced by the author, seek to evidence issues, concerns and discomforts that are still unstable, rehearsed in everyday life and outlined in thought and inventions. It argues that the power of creation and wandering in the city are insurgent ways of ruptures in the face of current conservative advances, paying attention to the exercise of otherness, inventiveness and experimentation, having as main references authors such as Michel Foucault, Suely Rolnik, Félix Guattari , Peter Pelbart, among others.

Montaigne and Diderot were philosophers, humanists, and defenders of critical skepticism. His writings are characterized by a fluid, private, and comic writing style. In Diderot we see a philosopher playwright, author and critical theatrical. In Montaigne a non-academic philosopher, a magistrate averse to the perfectionism of scholastic philosophy, which instituted a new style of writing. There is a common trait in how they both understand philosophy. For Montaigne and Diderot, ethics and aesthetics are two domains of philosophy that have a close relationship. The work of art is an essential element that has the power to awaken the human spirit and lead it to the experience of true virtue.