Suchergebnisse

The generalized perception that the international system is changing due to the emergence of new great powers has been motivating analysts & policy makers to advance new proposals for institutional cooperation among democracies. This article studies two of those proposals -- John McCain's "League of Democracies" & the one of a study group of Princeton University -- and argues that they have very different origins & possible outcomes. Their differences are grounded in two competing conceptions of the United States role as global liberal actor. Adapted from the source document.

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos paradoxos relacionados ao liberalismo econômico e os discursos de segurança a ele subjacentes que, embora neguem os princípios basilares das democracias modernas, passam a fazer parte delas. Neste exame o principal eixo teórico será o pensamento de Foucault. Primeiramente será apontado que o liberalismo econômico, na análise foucaultiana, tem como premissa uma essência antropológica de ser humano, pois assume como ponto de partida que a liberdade só floresce na ausência de constrangimentos. Na medida em que esta premissa metafísica se impõe às instituições das democracias modernas, alguns desdobramentos se colocam. Surge a noção de que o papel das instituições democráticas é o de proporcionar liberdade. Entretanto, só pode haver liberdade se houver segurança. Assim, impõe-se um paradoxo: as democracias têm como telos a liberdade, mas a liberdade pressupõe medidas de segurança (na guerra ao terror, por exemplo) que negam tanto os preceitos democráticos quanto a própria liberdade. ; This article aims to analyze some of the paradoxes related to economic liberalism and the underlying security discourses that, although denying the basic principles of modern democracies, become part of them. In this exam the main theoretical axis will be Foucault's thought. First, it will be pointed out that economic liberalism, in Foucaultian analysis, has as its premise an anthropological essence of being human, since it assumes as its starting point that freedom only flourishes in the absence of constraints. As this metaphysical premise imposes itself on the institutions of modern democracies, some developments are posed. Arises the notion that the role of democratic institutions is to provide freedom. However, there can be freedom only if there is security. Therefore, a paradox is imposed: democracies have freedom as their telos, but freedom presupposes security measures (in the war on terror, for example) that deny both democratic precepts and freedom itself.

What is the power of a health promotion politcs if it does not take the risk of walking in a democratic participation way, involving health care professionals and local people in a reciprocity manner? Today we are historically facing two representations that cause serious disruptions. The first one separates experts and laymen; the second, deepens the gap between politicians (the elected) and the citizen. We should then propose a "making together" in order to create the debate, the confrontation, to build a common world. From the perspective of the individual who transforming himself, changes his own world of uncertainties, this article aims to address the question of the "place" where the social action happens. How a place can be a "place of learning"? How the place participates of a collective action, as an expression of cultural identity and solidarity? A policy of health promotion can favorize the transforming action which proposes a exploration of the world based on learning, experimentation, deliberation and respect for plurality? ; Qual o poder de uma política de promoção da saúde se esta não se arrisca nos caminhos da participação democrática, envolvendo de maneira recíproca os profissionais de saúde e os habitantes locais? Estamos hoje, historicamente, diante de duas representações que provocam rupturas graves. A primeira separa especialistas e leigos; a segunda, aprofunda a distância entre os políticos (os eleitos) e os cidadãos comuns. Devemos então propor um "fazer juntos" para criar o debate, a confrontação, e assim construir um mundo comum. A partir da perspectiva do sujeito ativo que se transformando, modifica o mundo de incertezas que é o seu próprio, este artigo pretende abordar a questão do "lugar" onde se desenrola o agir social. Como um lugar pode ser um "lugar aprendente"? Como o lugar participa da ação coletiva, enquanto expressão de identidade cultural e de solidariedade? Uma política de promoção da saúde pode, então, favorecer a ação transformadora que propõe a exploração do mundo a partir da aprendizagem, da experimentação, da deliberação e do respeito à pluralidade? ; Que peut-être une politique de promotion de la santé si elle ne se risque pas dans des démarches de participation démocratique au titre des implications réciproques entre les professionnels et les habitants des lieux? Or, aujourd'hui, nous sommes face historiquement à deux délégations produisant deux coupures vives. La première qui sépare les spécialistes et des habitants profanes; la seconde qui creuse l'écart entre les politiciens (les élus) et les citoyens ordinaires. Il nous faut alors poser un "faire ensemble" pour créer du débat, de la confrontation pour construire un monde commun. Dans cette perspective d'un sujet actif qui se transforme lui-même tout en transformant le monde d'incertitudes qui est le sien, nous voulons aborder la question du "lieu" où se déploie l'agir social. Comment un lieu peut-il être un "lieu apprenant"? Comment le lieu participe-t-il de l'action collective comme expression d'identité culturelle et de solidarité collective? Une politique de promotion de la santé peut alors favoriser une pratique d'action de transformation qui pose l'exploration du monde commun, l'apprentissage, l'expérimentation, la délibération, dans le respect de la pluralité.

The direct or indirect use of the democratic peace thesis with power transition theory and the preeminent rise of China among emergent powers led to a systematic disregard of the role of rising democracies in the upcoming international order. This article studies India's case and concludes that rising democracies also challenge the current normative basis of states' relations, in a different way than autocracies. New Delhi's foreign policy in recent years suggests that the theoretical tools are not fully adequate to address these cases. Adapted from the source document.

The text is part of a doctoral research process in education, and dialogues, in an essayistic manner, with themes such as the city, images, body and everyday affective crossings. These dialogues tension with education, history, daily life and other ways of thinking about the urban tangle, anchored in the cartographic method. Through formative processes experienced by the author, seek to evidence issues, concerns and discomforts that are still unstable, rehearsed in everyday life and outlined in thought and inventions. It argues that the power of creation and wandering in the city are insurgent ways of ruptures in the face of current conservative advances, paying attention to the exercise of otherness, inventiveness and experimentation, having as main references authors such as Michel Foucault, Suely Rolnik, Félix Guattari , Peter Pelbart, among others.

ResumoA ascensão de movimentos autoritários em distintas partes do Mundo tem demandado reflexões interdisciplinares sobre os elementos que fundamentam os regimes democráticos. Nesse contexto, as tipologias políticas ganharam nova complexidade, a partir da associação com eventos econômicos, geopolíticos e jurídicos da atualidade. No Direito, passou-se a analisar como o constitucionalismo - tradicionalmente associado à democracia - pode conviver com formas jurídicas que fundamentam ações autoritárias. A partir dessa provocação, o trabalho objetiva traçar as fronteiras conceituais das categorias totalitarismo, fascismo e populismo, a fim de verificar como esses termos integram o debate atual sobre as crises das democracias e desafiam a compreensão do constitucionalismo moderno. Metodologicamente, utilizou-se de estudo qualitativo e analítico-descritivo dos conceitos e da literatura especializada. Como resultado, verificou-se que, ainda que se busque responder a problemas distintos daqueles diagnosticados no passado, existem traços semelhantes de descrição das sociedades modernas que contribuem para a compreensão do retorno de uma onda autocrática, o que revela a necessidade de resgate do sentido fundamental do sistema constitucional. O trabalho busca contribuir para o debate sobre as crises das democracias constitucionais, a partir da elucidação de conceitos-chave para a compreensão de problemas atuais.Palavras-chave: Totalitarismo; Fascismo; Populismo; Democracia; Constitucionalismo.AbstractThe recent rise of authoritarian movements around the world requires an interdisciplinary reflection on the fundamental elements of democratic regimes. In fact, political typologies renew their complexity as a result of current economic, geopolitical and legal events. In this context, legal scholars have tried to explain the paradoxical relationship between constitutionalism and authoritarianism. Considering these concerns, in this paper we discuss the conceptual boundaries of totalitarianism, fascism and populism, in order to analyze how these concepts were incorporated into the debate on the crises of democracy and then connected with modern constitutionalism. The research was carried out with the qualitative and analytical-descriptive study of the concepts. As a conclusion, it was verified that, even though the current problems have different aspects from those of the past, there are structural characteristics of modern society that make it possible to understand the new authoritarian wave. The constitutional system challenge is to face anti-democratic pressures without losing its basic meaning. The paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the crises of constitutional democracies and to clarify key concepts to understand current problems.Keywords: Totalitarianism; Fascism; Populism; Democracy; Constitutionalism.