Suchergebnisse

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos paradoxos relacionados ao liberalismo econômico e os discursos de segurança a ele subjacentes que, embora neguem os princípios basilares das democracias modernas, passam a fazer parte delas. Neste exame o principal eixo teórico será o pensamento de Foucault. Primeiramente será apontado que o liberalismo econômico, na análise foucaultiana, tem como premissa uma essência antropológica de ser humano, pois assume como ponto de partida que a liberdade só floresce na ausência de constrangimentos. Na medida em que esta premissa metafísica se impõe às instituições das democracias modernas, alguns desdobramentos se colocam. Surge a noção de que o papel das instituições democráticas é o de proporcionar liberdade. Entretanto, só pode haver liberdade se houver segurança. Assim, impõe-se um paradoxo: as democracias têm como telos a liberdade, mas a liberdade pressupõe medidas de segurança (na guerra ao terror, por exemplo) que negam tanto os preceitos democráticos quanto a própria liberdade. ; This article aims to analyze some of the paradoxes related to economic liberalism and the underlying security discourses that, although denying the basic principles of modern democracies, become part of them. In this exam the main theoretical axis will be Foucault's thought. First, it will be pointed out that economic liberalism, in Foucaultian analysis, has as its premise an anthropological essence of being human, since it assumes as its starting point that freedom only flourishes in the absence of constraints. As this metaphysical premise imposes itself on the institutions of modern democracies, some developments are posed. Arises the notion that the role of democratic institutions is to provide freedom. However, there can be freedom only if there is security. Therefore, a paradox is imposed: democracies have freedom as their telos, but freedom presupposes security measures (in the war on terror, for example) that deny both democratic precepts and freedom itself.

What is the power of a health promotion politcs if it does not take the risk of walking in a democratic participation way, involving health care professionals and local people in a reciprocity manner? Today we are historically facing two representations that cause serious disruptions. The first one separates experts and laymen; the second, deepens the gap between politicians (the elected) and the citizen. We should then propose a "making together" in order to create the debate, the confrontation, to build a common world. From the perspective of the individual who transforming himself, changes his own world of uncertainties, this article aims to address the question of the "place" where the social action happens. How a place can be a "place of learning"? How the place participates of a collective action, as an expression of cultural identity and solidarity? A policy of health promotion can favorize the transforming action which proposes a exploration of the world based on learning, experimentation, deliberation and respect for plurality? ; Qual o poder de uma política de promoção da saúde se esta não se arrisca nos caminhos da participação democrática, envolvendo de maneira recíproca os profissionais de saúde e os habitantes locais? Estamos hoje, historicamente, diante de duas representações que provocam rupturas graves. A primeira separa especialistas e leigos; a segunda, aprofunda a distância entre os políticos (os eleitos) e os cidadãos comuns. Devemos então propor um "fazer juntos" para criar o debate, a confrontação, e assim construir um mundo comum. A partir da perspectiva do sujeito ativo que se transformando, modifica o mundo de incertezas que é o seu próprio, este artigo pretende abordar a questão do "lugar" onde se desenrola o agir social. Como um lugar pode ser um "lugar aprendente"? Como o lugar participa da ação coletiva, enquanto expressão de identidade cultural e de solidariedade? Uma política de promoção da saúde pode, então, favorecer a ação transformadora que propõe a exploração do mundo a partir da aprendizagem, da experimentação, da deliberação e do respeito à pluralidade? ; Que peut-être une politique de promotion de la santé si elle ne se risque pas dans des démarches de participation démocratique au titre des implications réciproques entre les professionnels et les habitants des lieux? Or, aujourd'hui, nous sommes face historiquement à deux délégations produisant deux coupures vives. La première qui sépare les spécialistes et des habitants profanes; la seconde qui creuse l'écart entre les politiciens (les élus) et les citoyens ordinaires. Il nous faut alors poser un "faire ensemble" pour créer du débat, de la confrontation pour construire un monde commun. Dans cette perspective d'un sujet actif qui se transforme lui-même tout en transformant le monde d'incertitudes qui est le sien, nous voulons aborder la question du "lieu" où se déploie l'agir social. Comment un lieu peut-il être un "lieu apprenant"? Comment le lieu participe-t-il de l'action collective comme expression d'identité culturelle et de solidarité collective? Une politique de promotion de la santé peut alors favoriser une pratique d'action de transformation qui pose l'exploration du monde commun, l'apprentissage, l'expérimentation, la délibération, dans le respect de la pluralité.

ResumoA ascensão de movimentos autoritários em distintas partes do Mundo tem demandado reflexões interdisciplinares sobre os elementos que fundamentam os regimes democráticos. Nesse contexto, as tipologias políticas ganharam nova complexidade, a partir da associação com eventos econômicos, geopolíticos e jurídicos da atualidade. No Direito, passou-se a analisar como o constitucionalismo - tradicionalmente associado à democracia - pode conviver com formas jurídicas que fundamentam ações autoritárias. A partir dessa provocação, o trabalho objetiva traçar as fronteiras conceituais das categorias totalitarismo, fascismo e populismo, a fim de verificar como esses termos integram o debate atual sobre as crises das democracias e desafiam a compreensão do constitucionalismo moderno. Metodologicamente, utilizou-se de estudo qualitativo e analítico-descritivo dos conceitos e da literatura especializada. Como resultado, verificou-se que, ainda que se busque responder a problemas distintos daqueles diagnosticados no passado, existem traços semelhantes de descrição das sociedades modernas que contribuem para a compreensão do retorno de uma onda autocrática, o que revela a necessidade de resgate do sentido fundamental do sistema constitucional. O trabalho busca contribuir para o debate sobre as crises das democracias constitucionais, a partir da elucidação de conceitos-chave para a compreensão de problemas atuais.Palavras-chave: Totalitarismo; Fascismo; Populismo; Democracia; Constitucionalismo.AbstractThe recent rise of authoritarian movements around the world requires an interdisciplinary reflection on the fundamental elements of democratic regimes. In fact, political typologies renew their complexity as a result of current economic, geopolitical and legal events. In this context, legal scholars have tried to explain the paradoxical relationship between constitutionalism and authoritarianism. Considering these concerns, in this paper we discuss the conceptual boundaries of totalitarianism, fascism and populism, in order to analyze how these concepts were incorporated into the debate on the crises of democracy and then connected with modern constitutionalism. The research was carried out with the qualitative and analytical-descriptive study of the concepts. As a conclusion, it was verified that, even though the current problems have different aspects from those of the past, there are structural characteristics of modern society that make it possible to understand the new authoritarian wave. The constitutional system challenge is to face anti-democratic pressures without losing its basic meaning. The paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the crises of constitutional democracies and to clarify key concepts to understand current problems.Keywords: Totalitarianism; Fascism; Populism; Democracy; Constitutionalism.

This article aims to analyze how the distrust of a significant portion of Brazilians both in their democratic institutions and in relation to democracy itself, influenced or the election of President Jair Bolsonaro. For this, we conducted a bibliographic research, using institutionalist and, especially, culturalist theories. Thus, we perceive as possible explanatory factors, on the one hand, the recent Brazilian democracy that preserves traces of the dictatorial past in its political culture. On the other hand, as distortions between the functioning of democratic institutions, in a context of incentive to "delegative democracies", which "guides" part of the citizens to identify themselves with charismatic leaders who present themselves as outsiders within this discredited political system. In the scenario in which the media played a central role in electoral disputes.

At the moment of writing this editorial, Latin America is convulsed. Social movements have started their mobilization in Peru, Ecuador, Chile and Colombia for expressing their unconformity with right-wing and left-wing governments. A lot has been written in the last years about the crisis of democracy (Levittsky and Ziblatt, 2018; Mendieta, 2019). But are Latin American democracies in crisis or we have not even consolidated them because of how these are democracies just for some few? We have democratically elected leaders but also unsatisfied basic needs, inequality and lack of opportunities. ; Cuando se escribe este editorial, América Latina está convulsionada. Movimientos sociales se han puesto en marcha en Perú, Ecuador, Chile y Colombia para expresar su inconformidad con gobiernos de derecha e izquierda. Mucho se ha escrito en los últimos años acerca de la crisis de la democracia (Levittsky y Ziblatt, 2018; Mendieta, 2019). ¿Pero están las democracias latinoamericanas en crisis o ni siquiera hemos podido consolidarlas pues siguen siendo las democracias de unos pocos? Tenemos gobernantes elegidos democráticamente, pero también necesidades básicas insatisfechas, pobreza, desigualdad y falta de oportunidades. ; Quando este editorial está sendo escrito, a América Latina está convulsionada. Movimentos sociais acontecem no Peru, no Equador, no Chile e na Colômbia para expressar sua inconformidade com governos da direita e da esquerda. Muito tem sido escrito nos últimos anos sobre a crise da democracia (Levittsky e Ziblatt, 2018; Mendieta, 2019). Contudo, as democracias latino-americanas estão em crise ou nem sequer puderam ser consolidadas e continuam sendo as democracias de poucos? Temos governantes eleitos de forma democrática, mas também, necessidades básicas insatisfeitas, pobreza, desigualdade e falta de oportunidades.

O propósito deste artigo é repensar, nos marcos teóricos da crítica marxista, os problemas da crise de legitimidade das democracias burguesas, na América Latina nosanos 90, por conta do confronto que os movimentos sociais impõem ao Estado,enquanto representante dos interesses das classes dominantes e elemento fundamental no processo de acumulação de capital. ; The objective of this article is to rethink, from a Marxist theoretical perspective, the legitimacy crises of the bourgeois democracies of LatinAmerica in the 1990s, taking into consideration the confrontation that social movements impose upon the State, in its role as the representative of theinterests of the dominant classes and as a fundamental actor in the process of capital accumulation.

This conference was held on October 23, 2020, virtually, at the invitation of the Après-Coup based in New York and had the intends to show how the current Brazilian government has been using the language and aesthetics of the Third Reich in its statements to the nation and its institutional advertisements, in accord with its stance toward fascism. This development does not, however, seem to be exclusive to Brazil: the fascist state of mind has been spreading in other "democracies" across the planet. ; Esta conferência foi realizada em 23 de outubro de 2020, de forma virtual, à convite da Après-Coup sediada em Nova York e teve o objetivo de mostrar como o atual governo brasileiro vem utilizando a linguagem e a estética do Terceiro Reich em suas declarações à nação e em seus anúncios institucionais, de acordo com sua postura em relação ao fascismo. Este desenvolvimento não parece, no entanto, ser exclusivo do Brasil: o estado de espírito fascista vem espalhando-se em outras "democracias" em todo o planeta.

This paper is aimed at analyzing the mode of attachment of the Brazilian entrepreneurs of the manufacturing sector on the current debate on the dilemmas faced by society and government on the verge of the next millenium. This debate unfolds around three encompassing and interdependent themes. The first concerns the current phase of the globalization process; the second concerns the path of the national economy; and the third is related to the problems of consolidation of democracy. Starting with considerations on the globalization process and the constraints which it poses to the society, the paper focuses the characteristics of the new Latin American democracies that were set up in a context of worsening of the external crisis. Next it analyses of the Brazilian case intending to assess the political activities of national entrepreneurs during the different conjunctures of the period between 1985 to 1997. Finally, the paper suggests some hypothesis regarding the capacity of these entrepreneurs to develop more autonomous forms of behavior in order to enable them to exercise an active role within a new coalition of forces as regards the discussion of alternatives to the current economic model. ; This paper is aimed at analyzing the mode of attachment of the Brazilian entrepreneurs of the manufacturing sector on the current debate on the dilemmas faced by society and government on the verge of the next millenium. This debate unfolds around three encompassing and interdependent themes. The first concerns the current phase of the globalization process; the second concerns the path of the national economy; and the third is related to the problems of consolidation of democracy. Starting with considerations on the globalization process and the constraints which it poses to the society, the paper focuses the characteristics of the new Latin American democracies that were set up in a context of worsening of the external crisis. Next it analyses of the Brazilian case intending to assess the political activities of national entrepreneurs during the different conjunctures of the period between 1985 to 1997. Finally, the paper suggests some hypothesis regarding the capacity of these entrepreneurs to develop more autonomous forms of behavior in order to enable them to exercise an active role within a new coalition of forces as regards the discussion of alternatives to the current economic model.

This paper investigates the area of monitoring and evaluation of public policies from a conceptual approach and an interpretation of its institutional development in Brazil. Therefore, we build critical analyzes from the legal and sociopolitical perspectives. Specifically, we define and discuss the political functions of monitoring and evaluation, discuss the emergence and constitution of evaluation systems in Latin America and Brazil, and reflect on the importance of evaluation in the Brazilian legal system, as well as on recent advances in Legislative Power. As main conclusions, we understand that the political use of public policy evaluation works assumes a reallocation function, that there have been institutional advances in the area, but that there are still limitations in relation to the scope of evaluative works.

The widespread of the COVID-19 pandemic has brought significant impacts on human relations, generating ample repercussions characterized by certain patterns of national and international relations. Taking this theme as a reference this paper is aimed to analyze the patterns of socio-political interaction in relation to the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada and Brazil through a constructivist approach. The methodological basis of this research is characterized by an exploratory and descriptive nature according to its ends and as well as quali-quantitative to its means which is instrumentalized by the use of a comparative method and a discursive historical-theoretical-deductive logic. The results of the research indicate that the dynamics of national and international relations have become permeated during the pandemic by Lockean (competitive), Hobbesian (conflictive) and Kantian (consensual) the patterns of interaction due to an asymmetrical field of power that turns out to be more complex. It is concluded based on the results presented in the text that the interactional dynamics reported by Canada and Brazil demonstrate the convergence towards a negative apprehension of the COVID-19 pandemic in the social structure despite the different historical trajectories constructed on a Kantian pattern of relative consensus related to the decision-making processes in Canada in comparison to the Hobbesian pattern of intranational and international conflicts materialized in Brazil.

L'article se penche sur la "participation" des populations à la régulation des techno-sciences et des techno-produits qui arrivent sur les marchés et affectent les modes de vie, l'environnement ou la santé. Une double thèse y est développée. La première conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir aux moyens de défendre et protéger celles et ceux qui interrogent les pratiques techno-industrielles (quant à la sécurité des systèmes mis en oeuvre par exemple) ou qui questionnent les certitudes académiques (lorsque celles-ci légifèrent trop vite sur des questions en jeu dans l'espace public). La deuxième thèse propose de placer la question de la participation dans des perspectives politiques et économiques plus vastes, en lien aux univers des marchés et de la politique professionnelle. Une conclusion majeure est que la participation est toujours invoquée formellement mais qu'on tend en pratique à réduire son usage aux cas exceptionnels où la bataille publique fait rage et ne peut être évitée ; dans les autres cas, on la contourne en la remplaçant par exemple par l'éthique instituée en comités – comités fermés mais censés "représenter la Société Civile", capables d'agir vite et, s'ils sont bien choisis, dans la bonne direction. On passe ainsi d'une régulation par la loi et le droit d'une part, des procédures participatives ouvertes de l'autre, à des formes de régulation fermées et ad hoc permettant la mise rapide sur le marché de nouvelles technologies. ; The article focuses on the "participation" of the populations in the regulation of techno-sciences and techno-products that get to the market and affect the way of life, the environment or health. In this case, a double thesis is developed. The first leads to the need to reflect on the means of defending and protecting those who challenge techno-industrial practices (for example, regarding the safety of the implemented systems) or those who question academic certainty (when these legislate very fast on issues at play in the public sphere). The second thesis proposes to place the issue of participation in wider political and economic perspectives, in relation to the market and professional politics. In the end, it is realized that participation is always formally invoked, but, in actual fact, the trend is to reduce participation to exceptional cases where the public struggle is violent and cannot be avoided; and in other cases it is sidestepped or forgotten, being substituted by ethics instituted in committees – closed committees, but supposedly "representing Civil Society", able to move rapidly and, if well chosen, in the right direction. Thus, going from one regulation by the law and by rights, onone side, and participative processes, on the other, to closed and ad hoc forms of regulation allowing for the fast introduction of new technologies in the markets.

This article discusses how the populist challenge can affect, directly or indirectly, the way the representative and liberal democracy works. Outside Latin America, Italy is one of the most typical cases of the populist challenge to liberalism. Indeed, in the General Election of spring 2018, the majority in the parliament was conquered by 2 populist groups: a) the Lega (17.35%); and b) the 5-Star MoVement (MoVimento 5 Stelle [M5S]) (32.68%). The main assumption herein is that the populist ideology should be encompassed by the larger family of anti-liberal thought. At that level, the populist representation shares some common points with fascism. Although the idea of populist representation is quite different from that of fascism, both of them are based on anti-liberalism and they have an intrinsic tendency to plebiscitarianism. That is, their focus lies on 2 dimensions: a) the differences and continuities between the Lega and the M5S; and b) the role played by anti-liberal thought. The second dimension is related to the idea of representation and it is divided into 2 further layers: a) how the populists build their own audience; and b) the institutional reshuffle they propose to enforce the people's will. ; Este artigo discute como o desafio populista pode afetar, direta ou indiretamente, o funcionamento da democracia representativa e liberal. Fora da América Latina, a Itália é um dos casos mais típicos do desafi populista ao liberalismo. De fato, nas Eleições Gerais da primavera de 2018, a maioria no parlamento foi conquistada por 2 grupos populistas: a) a Lega (17,35%); e b) o MoVimento 5 Estrelas (MoVimento 5 Stelle [M5S]) (32,68%). Aqui, a principal hipótese é de que a ideologia populista deve ser abrangida pela família maior do pensamento anti-liberal. Nesse nível, a representação populista compartilha alguns pontos em comum com o fascismo. Embora a ideia de representação populista seja bem diferente daquela do fascismo, ambas se baseiam no anti-liberalismo e elas têm uma tendência intrínseca ao plebiscitarismo. Ou seja, seu foco recai sobre 2 dimensões: a) as diferenças e continuidades entre a Lega e o M5S; e b) o papel assumido pelo pensamento anti-liberal. A segunda dimensão se relaciona à ideia de representação e se divide em 2 outras camadas: a) como os populistas criam seu próprio público; e b) a remodelação institucional que eles propõem para impor a vontade do povo.

In this paper we propose a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model to evaluate …financial adjustments that some emerging market economies went through to overcome external crises during the latest decades, such as default and local currency devaluation. We assume that devaluation can be used to avoid external debt default, to improve trade balance and to reduce the real public debt level denominated in local currency. Such effects increase the government ability to deal with external crisis, but also have costs in terms of welfare, related to expected in‡flation, reductions in private investments and higher interest to be paid over the public debt. We conclude that openness improves expected welfare as it allows for a better devaluation-response technology against crises. We also present results for 32 middle-income countries, verifying that the proposed model can indicate, in a stylized way, the preferences for default-devaluation options and the magnitude of the currency depreciation required to overcome 48 external crises occurred as from 1971. Finally, as we construct our model based on the Cole-Kehoe self-fulfilling debt crisis model, adding local debt and trade, it is important to say that their policy alternatives to leave the crisis zone remains in our extended model, namely, to reduce the external debt level and to lengthen its maturity. ; Com base em uma versão estendida do modelo Cole and Kehoe, avaliamos eventos de default e de desvalorizações cambiais. Historicamente, as desvalorizações têm ajudado na superação de crises financeiras ao estimular a balança comercial e ao reduzir o valor real da divida publica denominada em moeda nacional. Por outro lado, a expectativa de uma possível desvalorização produz efeitos negativos sobre o bem-estar: aumento do custo da divida e redução do nível de investimento privado. Modelamos esses trade-offs e mostramos que a abertura comercial melhora o bem-estar ao potencializar o efeito da desvalorização de câmbio sobre a balança comercial. Computamos simulações numéricas baseadas em 48 crises ocorridas em 32 países, e obtivemos resultados alinhados com as desvalorizações e os defaults observados desde 1971.

O trabalho teve por objetivo analisar a noção de vulnerabilidade utilizada pela bioética para debater as pesquisas com seres humanos na atualidade, a partir de uma reflexão acerca da biopolítica na cultura contemporânea. Para isto, partiu-se da leitura de Giorgio Agamben dos modelos de poder foucaultianos - Soberania e Biopolítica - para, em seguida, analisar a noção de vida nua - "vida sem nenhum valor". Se os dispositivos de poder nas democracias modernas conjugam estratégias biopolíticas com a emergência da força do poder soberano que transforma a vida em vida nua, é fato que a bioética deve ser um instrumento de proteção das pessoas vulneradas. No entanto, além do território do estado do direito, a bioética também deve poder penetrar nas zonas de indiferenciação, onde soberania e técnica se misturam, profanando a fronteiras biopolíticas e problematizando a própria condição de vulnerabilidade. ; The study had the objective of analyzing the notion of vulnerability that is used by bioethics to debate research involving human beings today, from reflections on biopolitics in contemporary culture. For this, the starting point was Giorgio Agamben's reading of Foucault's model of power (Sovereignty and Biopolitics), with the aim of subsequently analyzing the notion of bare life: "life without any value". If the devices of power in modern democracies conjoin biopolitical strategies with the emergence of the strength of sovereign power that transforms life into bare life, in fact bioethics must be an instrument for protecting people who have become vulnerable. Nevertheless, beyond the territory of the rule of law, bioethics must also penetrate the undifferentiated zones where sovereignty and techniques become mixed, disrespecting the frontiers of biopolitics and questioning the condition of vulnerability itself.

This article proposes a dialogue between the political and academic debates on race, identity, and history in the Brazilian and Portuguese contexts. In order to do so, it examines the myth of racial democracy (as it was known in Brazil) and the idea of a national vocation for interculturality in Portugal to explore how they shape the contemporary debate on racism and Eurocentrism, as well its evasion, focusing on education - which is understood as an arena for important political struggles. By addressing crucial moments in these debates, this article seeks to contribute to wider discussions on race and power in the teaching of history, and to challenge the depoliticization of contemporary narratives that continue to take refuge in the tropes of the historical specificities of each of the national contexts. ; Este artigo propõe um diálogo entre os debates políticos e acadêmicos sobre raça, identidade e história nos contextos brasileiro e português. Para tal, examina a relação entre o mito da democracia racial (como ficou conhecido no Brasil) e a ideia de uma vocação nacional para a interculturalidade em Portugal e o debate contemporâneo sobre racismo e eurocentrismo, assim como a sua evasão, focando na educação – tomada como palco de importantes lutas políticas. Abordando momentos cruciais destes debates, o artigo procura aprofundar a discussão sobre raça e poder no ensino da História e contestar a despolitização das narrativas contemporâneas que continuam a escudar-se nas especificidades históricas de cada um dos contextos nacionais.