Suchergebnisse

This thesis comprises four empirical essays on environmental and development economics. In the first chapter, we examine to what extent individual and contextual level factors influence individuals to contribute financially to prevent environmental pollution. We find that rich people, individuals with higher education, as well as those who possess post-materialist values are more likely to be concerned about environmental pollution. We also observe the country in which individuals live matter in their willingness to contribute. More precisely, we find democracy and government stability reduce individuals' intention to donate to prevent environmental damage mainly in developed countries. The second chapter deals with the relation between economic growth and environmental degradation by focusing on the issue of whether the inverted U-shaped relation exist. The study discloses no evidence for the U-shaped relation. However, the empirical result points toward a non-linear relationship between environmental degradation and economic growth, that is, emissions tend to rise rapidly in the early stages with economic growth, and then emissions continue to increase but a lower rate in the later stages. The third chapter investigates the long-run as well as the causal relationship between energy consumption and economic growth in a group of Sub-Saharan Africa. The result discovers the existence of a long-run equilibrium relationship between clean energy consumption and economic growth. Furthermore, the short-run and the long-run dynamics indicate unidirectional Granger causality running from clean energy consumption to economic growth without any feedback effects. The last chapter of this thesis concerns with convergence of emissions across Canadian provinces. The study determines convergence clubs better characterizes Canadian's emissions. In other words, we detect the existence of segmentation in emissions across Canadian provinces. ; Cette thèse comporte quatre essais et porte sur les questions fondamentales sur la relation entre l'environnement et le développement économique. Le premier chapitre cherche à identifier les déterminants individuels et contextuels qui affectent la volonté de contribuer des gens à la lutte contre la pollution environnementale. Nos résultats révèlent que les individus riches, les personnes éduquées ainsi que les personnes possédant des valeurs post-matérialistes sont plus susceptibles d'être préoccupées par la pollution environnementale. On remarque que la caractéristique du pays de ces individus affecte leur volonté à contribuer. Ainsi, dans les pays à forte démocratie avec une forte stabilité gouvernementale, les individus sont réticents à faire des dons pour prévenir les dommages environnementaux. Le deuxième chapitre examine la relation entre la croissance économique et la dégradation de l'environnement en s'interrogeant sur la relation U inversée de Kuznets. Nos résultats empiriques ne révèlent aucune preuve de ladite relation. Cependant, nous notons l'existence d'une relation non linéaire entre la croissance économique et la dégradation de l'environnement. Les émissions ont tendance à augmenter un rythme plus rapide dans les premiers stades de la croissance économique puis dans les dernière étapes, cette hausse persiste mais à un rythme plus lent. Le troisième chapitre étudie la relation de causalité de long terme entre la consommation d'énergie propre et la croissance économique dans un groupe de pays de l'Afrique subsaharienne. Le résultat révèle l'existence d'une relation d'équilibre à long terme entre la consommation d'énergie propre et la croissance économique. En outre, la dynamique de court terme et de long terme indiquent une relation de causalité à la Granger unidirectionnelle de la consommation d'énergie propre vers la croissance économique sans aucun effet rétroactif. Le dernier chapitre de cette thèse cherche à investiguer sur la convergence des émissions de gaz entre les provinces canadiennes. L'étude montre que les émissions de gaz des provinces canadiennes sont caractérisées des convergences de clubs. En d'autres termes, on détecte l'existence d'une segmentation des émissions entre les provinces canadiennes.

Una tendencia común entre los procesos de paz recientes es el uso de acuerdos de amnistía como mecanismos para restablecer el imperio de la ley y devolver la democracia al país. Sin embargo, la comunidad internacional sigue siendo renuente a aprobar su uso. Tanto los defensores de los derechos humanos y las organizaciones internacionales se han opuesto vehementemente a la elección de los acuerdos de amnistía, pues son vistos como cortinas de humo que promueven la impunidad. Pero para otros, los acuerdos de amnistía siguen siendo una forma legítima, plausible e incluso aceptada por el Derecho Internacional para lograr la paz e incluso lograr niveles de justicia en sociedades en transición. El propósito de este trabajo es examinar "la cuestión paradójica" sobre si los acuerdos de amnistía exigen la paz a expensas de la justicia. En concreto, se pretende estudiar si los acuerdos de amnistía pueden ayudar o contribuir en el logro de la justicia, especialmente cuando dichos acuerdos se complementan con mecanismos alternativos de justicia tales como comisiones de la verdad, reparaciones y reformas institucionales. El primer acápite de este artículo abordará la definición de los acuerdos de amnistía, el segundo mostrará el percepción cambiante que la comunidad internacional les ha dado; el tercer acápite propone una definición de justicia que se utilizará para fines de este documento; y el acápite final analizará el caso de Sudáfrica y el caso de Timor Oriental como dos ejemplos diferentes de cómo se puede aplicar la amnistía en los procesos de paz. Lo anterior, con el fin de determinar hasta qué punto ambos países lograron, a pesar de los acuerdos de amnistía, brindarle justicia a sus ciudadanos. ; A common trend among recent peace processes is the use of amnesty agreements as a mechanism to restore the rule of law and bring democracy back to the country. However, the international community is still reluctant to endorse them. Both human rights advocates and international organizations such as the United Nations have vehemently opposed the choice of amnesty. However, for others, amnesty agreements are still a legitimate and plausible way to achieve peace and even justice. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to examine the "paradoxical question" of whether amnesty agreements require peace at the expense of justice. Specifically, it purports to study whether amnesty agreements can aid or contribute in the achievement of justice, especially when the agreement is coupled by alternative justice mechanisms, such as truth commissions, reparations, and vetting. Section 1 of this paper will address the definition of amnesty agreements; section 2 will approach the "changing" perception the international community has given to them; section 3 will propose a definition of justice to be used for purposes of this paper; and section 4 will analyze the South African and the East Timor case, as two different examples of how amnesties can be applied in peace processes and to what extent both countries accomplished to bring justice to their people. The cases of South Africa, East Timor were chosen; primarily because of the way they applied amnesty in order to pursue a certain purpose. Though each of these cases shows several caveats, they help to understand how amnesty agreements may be applicable in different contexts and may be implemented in different ways to reach different outcomes, and ultimately justice.

El proyecto de investigación está relacionado al compromiso organizacional en la asociatividad del sector de limpieza de la Cámara de Economía Popular y solidaria de Tungurahua. En la cual, se puede decir que el compromiso organizacional incide en la asociatividad ya que puede generar un buen o bajo desempeño laboral y no estar administrado correctamente en las organizaciones genera en los socios la deslealtad, el poco compromiso e identidad corporativa. Además, en ocasiones el socio puede percibir que no está gozando de beneficios simplemente se cambia a otra asociación que esté pasando por momentos agradables como puede ser un buen ambiente de trabajo. Desde la perspectiva, de la metodología se realizó una encuesta para la recolección de datos, posteriormente se tabulo, gráfico y se realizó el análisis e interpretación de resultados, en donde, se obtuvo lo siguiente: un 32,14% evidencia que la información financiera permite la adecuada toma de decisiones, con respecto a la equidad y democracia de cada uno de los miembros el 27,86% han manifestado que algunas veces se logra mantener la equidad en la institución. Desde el punto de vista de la asociatividad, el 33,57% piensan que algunas veces si se han presentado conflictos organizacionales y problemas en la asociación por lo que hay que identificar falencias que permitan reducir este tipo de aspecto. Con la finalidad de dar solución a la problemática se ha propuesto un Plan de acción estratégica para mejorar el compromiso organizacional en la asociatividad del sector de limpieza de la Cámara de Economía Popular y Solidaria de Tungurahua. Contiene estrategias capaces de compartir valores, identificación con la misión y visión entre directivos y socios, desarrollar un excelente desempeño laboral, aplicar factores de trabajo en equipo, un buen clima organizacional y comunicación empresarial, con el objetivo de alcanzar un alto grado de satisfacción y convivencia empresarial. ; The research project is related to the organizational commitment in the associativity of the cleaning sector of the Chamber of Popular Economy and solidary of Tungurahua. In which, we can say that organizational commitment affects associativity because it can generate a good or poor job performance and not being properly managed in the organizations generates in the partners the disloyalty, the little commitment and corporate identity. In addition, sometimes the partner may perceive that he is not enjoying benefits simply change to another association that is going through pleasant moments such as a good work environment. From the perspective of the methodology, a survey was carried out for the data collection, afterwards the tabulation, graph and the analysis and interpretation of results was performed, where, the following was obtained: 32.14% evidenced that the financial information Allows adequate decision-making, with respect to equity and democracy of each of the members 27.86% have stated that sometimes it is possible to maintain equity in the institution. From the point of view of the associativity, 33.57% think that sometimes if there have been organizational conflicts and problems in the association so we must identify weaknesses that allow reducing this type of aspect. In order to solve the problem, a Strategic Action Plan has been proposed to improve the organizational commitment in the associativity of the cleaning sector of the Popular and Solidarity Economy Chamber of Tungurahua. It contains strategies capable of sharing values, identification with the mission and vision among managers and collaborators, developing an excellent work performance, applying factors of teamwork, a good organizational climate and business communication, with the aim of achieving a high degree of satisfaction and business coexistence.

En doscientos años como repúblicas independientes Chile y la Argentina emprendieron guerras contra todos sus vecinos pero jamás entre ellas. Sin embargo, en la navidad de 1978 la controversia sobre los límites del canal Beagle estuvo cerca de enfrentar a ambos países en el campo de batalla. Gracias a la oportuna mediación del Papa Juan Pablo II y al posterior retorno de la democracia en la Argentina, el diferendo logró resolverse pacíficamente con la firma de un acuerdo que contó con un abrumador apoyo de la población argentina, expresado a través del plebiscito de 1984. El presente artículo propone analizar los sentidos en torno al acuerdo y la consulta que circularon por las páginas del Río Negro, el diario más influyente de la Norpatagonia argentina. Para ello, incorporando herramientas teóricas del análisis del discurso, hemos relevado noticias, editoriales y notas de opinión publicadas en las secciones en las que el diario abordó información internacional, nacional y regional. Este trabajo permite demostrar que en el diario prevalecieron los discursos favorables al acuerdo por sobre aquellos que proponían una lectura negativa sobre el mismo. El diario presentó a los primeros como expresión del nuevo clima democrático que la sociedad argentina comenzaba a vivir. ; In their 200 years as independent nations, both Chile and Argentina fought wars against all their neighbors, except each other. However, on the Christmas of 1978, controversy over the limits of the Beagle Channel almost made them face one other on the battlefield. It was thanks to the timely mediation of Pope John Paul II and Argentina's later return to democracy that the conflict was pacifically resolved, through an agreement overwhelmingly supported by the Argentinian people, who expressed their approval in the 1984 referendum. The present article aims to analyze the meanings surrounding the agreement and the referendum, expressed in the Rio Negro, the most influential journal of the Argentinian northern Patagonia. In order to achieve it, theoretical tools of discourse analysis are used to study the news, editorials and opinion columns published in the sections in which the newspaper dealt with international, national and regional information. The article shows that in the journal, the positive discourses about the agreement predominated over the negative ones. The former were presented as a manifestation of the new democratic climate experienced by the Argentinian society. ; Em duzentos anos como repúblicas independentes o Chile e a Argentina empreenderam guerras contra todos sus vizinhos, mas nunca entre elas. Contudo, o Natal de 1978 a controvérsia sobre os limites do canal Beagle esteve cerca de fazer enfrentar a ambos os países no campo de batalha. Graças à oportuna mediação do Papa João Paulo II e ao posterior retorno da democracia à Argentina, a discrepância conseguiu ser resolvida pacificamente com a assinatura de um acordo que contou com um esmagador apoio da população argentina, representado através do plebiscito de 1984. O presente artigo propõe analisar os sentimentos em torno ao acordo e a consulta que circularam pelas páginas do Río Negro, o diário mais influente do norte da patagônia argentina. Para isto, incorporando ferramentas da Análise do Discurso, comparamos notícias, editoriais e notas de opinião publicadas nas seções em que o diário abordou informação nacional e regional. Este trabalho permite demostrar que no diário prevaleceram os discursos favoráveis ao acordo acima daqueles que propuseram uma leitura negativa sobre o mesmo. O diário apresentou os primeiros como expressão do novo clima democrático que a sociedade argentina começava a viver.

AbstrakPenelitian eksploratis ini secara khusus dipersiapkan untuk menjawab tentang perlunya penciptaan sebuah forum pemurnian terhadap hukum positif, persisnya, sebuah model pemurnian yang diharapkan dapat menghadirkan di tengah-tengah kita sebuah sistem hukum dengan level yang lebih tinggi lagi dalam berdemokrasi, Sistem Hukum Pancasilaistis. Pendekatan yang digunakan untuk mendekati objek yang diteliti adalah, pendekatan yang yuridis-interdisipliner, pendekatan yang lazim digunakan dalam studi-studi Teori Hukum pada umumnya. Sementara itu, metode penelitian yang digunakan pada konteks keseluruhan penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif-teoretikal. Inilah sebutan untuk sistem yang akan mengampu penelitian ini untuk memetakan persoalan-inti; menghimpun data; dan, informasi, melakukan analisis, untuk kemudian menarik seperangkat kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian: (a) Lahirnya teori baru dalam diskurus-diskursus hukum pada tataran teoretikal, yakni: The Purification Theory of Justice Functions. Teori ini menawarkan kita sebuah tesis yang berintikan semacam persuasi akan pentingnya forum pemurnian/santification terhadap Fungsi-fungsi Peradilan, terutama dari forum pencampuran antara fungsi peradilan itu sendiri dengan, atau, terhadap potensi terjadinya penetrasi Fungsi Pemerintahan; (b) Jalan teoretis ini merupakan hal yang sedemikian fundamentalnya untuk dipertenggangkan, sebab teori ini diyakini sebagai satu-satunya di antara teori-teori di bidang hukum (yang ada di era kita) yang paling berkemampuan untuk memprakarsai lahirnya sebuah sistem penegakan hukum dengan performa yang jauh lebih meyakinkan, terutama di negara-negara yang sistem hukumnya tengah mengalami problem pembusukan yang sangat serius secara fathomistis; (c) Teori ini tidak sekedar menjanjikan kita sebuah sistem hukum yang dapat bekerja jauh lebih baik di dalam sejarah dan masyarakat, tapi sekaligus menjanjikan lahirnya sebuah Negara yang dioperasionalkan oleh sebuah Sistem Hukum yang sepenuhnya memiliki watak yang demokratis, dan Pancasilaistis.Kata kunci: Teori Hukum; Pemurnian; Hukum Positif; Konsep Kehidupan yang Demokratis, dan Pancasilaistis AbstractThis exploratory research is specifically prepared to answer the need for the creation of a forum for sanctification of positive Lawes, precisely, a sanctification model that is expected to present in our midst a higher level legal system in democracy, a Pancasilaistic Legal System. The approach used to explore the object under the study is a juridical-interdisciplinary approach an approach commonly used in Legal Theory studies in general. Meanwhile, the research method used in the overall context of this study is a normative-theoretical legal research method. This is the terminology to express the system that will control this project to map the core-problems; collect data; and, information, conducting analysis; then, drawing a set of conclusions. The results: (a) The birth of a new theory in legal discourses at the theoretical level, namely: The Purification of Theory of Justice Functions. This theory offers us a thesis which in essence is a kind of inducement on the importance of the forum for purification/santification of the Judicial Functions, especially on the forum of mixing the function of the judiciary itself with, or, the potential for penetration of Government Functions. (b) This theoretical track has become so important, because it is believed to be the only one among legal theories (in our era) that are most capable of initiating the birth of a law enforcement system with a far more convincing performance, especially in countries whose legal systems are experiencing a fathomistically problem of putrefaction. This theory does not merely pledges us a legal system that can work much better in history, and society, but at the same time pledges the birth of a State that is truly operationalized by a legal system that is extremely democratic and Pancasilaistic.Keywords: Legal Theory; Purification; Law Positive; Concept of Democratic, and Pancasilaistic Social Life

This dissertation explores how to solve incentive problems in autocracies through institutional arrangements centered around political meritocracy. The question is fundamental, as merit-based rewards and promotion of politicians are the cornerstones of key authoritarian regimes such as China. Yet the grave dilemmas in bureaucratic governance are also well recognized. The three essays of the dissertation elaborate on the various solutions to these dilemmas, as well as problems associated with these solutions. Methodologically, the dissertation utilizes a combination of economic modeling, original data collection, and empirical analysis. The first chapter investigates the puzzle why entrepreneurs invest actively in many autocracies where unconstrained politicians may heavily expropriate the entrepreneurs. With a game-theoretical model, I investigate how to constrain politicians through rotation of local politicians and meritocratic evaluation of politicians based on economic growth. The key finding is that, although rotation or merit-based evaluation alone actually makes the holdup problem even worse, it is exactly their combination that can form a credible constraint on politicians to solve the hold-up problem and thus encourages private investment. An extension of the model also demonstrates that rotation and merit-based evaluation reduces politicians' entrenched interests in existing firms. This allows new firms to enter the market, which sustains Schumpeterian "creative destruction" and long-term growth. In other words, the combination of rotation and merit-based evaluation achieves both commitment and strong flexibility, a property rarely satisfied by other commitment devices. Firm-level panel data from China are further consistent with the main predictions from my model. The second chapter focuses on another critical dilemma in an autocracy, the loyalty-competence trade-off. An autocrat usually refuses to appoint a competent governor with a broad discretionary power because the governor can use his competence and discretion to challenge the autocrat. Through a game-theoretical model, I show that one-party state can potentially solve the dilemma by appointing both a party secretary and a governor to co-rule a province. The party secretary controls political power, while the governor commands the provision of the public good. The arrangement forestalls local attempts to challenge the autocrat and establishes the autocrat's confidence to promote meritocracy and decentralization. I also characterize the optimal party-government relationship: the secretary should sometimes dominate over the governor in public good provision but not always the case. This is very different from canonical theories on the separation of powers in a democracy. The model is motivated by the experience of China's party state, whose elements of meritocracy and dual leadership are modern incarnations of key institutions in Imperial China. From key historical records, I construct variables measuring political institutions over 1,300 years in Chinese history via textual analysis techniques. The statistical analysis uncovers a long-run correlation between meritocracy and dual leadership, showing the first order relevance of the theory.In the first chapter, I show how a meritocratic government with strong bureaucratic rules can contribute to a thriving market economy. In the third chapter, I also look at the other direction: when and how private economy contributes to bureaucratic capacity. This helps answer the question why some regimes maintain a persistent meritocracy, while aristocrats capture others. I show that in an environment with weak property rights, a meritocratic government and a thriving private economy reinforce each other. This matches important historical episodes such as the ``Tang-Song Transition'' in Medieval China. In an extension, I also show that legal property rights sufficiently strong can eliminate multiple equilibria, and that stronger property rights cause a more dynastic government. The extended model is employed to illustrate the difference between meritocracies in Imperial China and Ottoman Empire. It also implies a causal relationship between comparative law and state building.

In their 200 years as independent nations, both Chile and Argentina fought wars against all their neighbors, except each other. However, on the Christmas of 1978, controversy over the limits of the Beagle Channel almost made them face one other on the battlefield. It was thanks to the timely mediation of Pope John Paul II and Argentina's later return to democracy that the conflict was pacifically resolved, through an agreement overwhelmingly supported by the Argentinian people, who expressed their approval in the 1984 referendum. The present article aims to analyze the meanings surrounding the agreement and the referendum, expressed in the Rio Negro, the most influential journal of the Argentinian northern Patagonia. In order to achieve it, theoretical tools of discourse analysis are used to study the news, editorials and opinion columns published in the sections in which the newspaper dealt with international, national and regional information. The article shows that in the journal, the positive discourses about the agreement predominated over the negative ones. The former were presented as a manifestation of the new democratic climate experienced by the Argentinian society. ; En doscientos años como repúblicas independientes Chile y la Argentina emprendieron guerras contra todos sus vecinos pero jamás entre ellas. Sin embargo, en la navidad de 1978 la controversia sobre los límites del canal Beagle estuvo cerca de enfrentar a ambos países en el campo de batalla. Gracias a la oportuna mediación del Papa Juan Pablo II y al posterior retorno de la democracia en la Argentina, el diferendo logró resolverse pacíficamente con la firma de un acuerdo que contó con un abrumador apoyo de la población argentina, expresado a través del plebiscito de 1984. El presente artículo propone analizar los sentidos en torno al acuerdo y la consulta que circularon por las páginas del Río Negro, el diario más influyente de la Norpatagonia argentina. Para ello, incorporando herramientas teóricas del análisis del discurso, hemos relevado noticias, editoriales y notas de opinión publicadas en las secciones en las que el diario abordó información internacional, nacional y regional. Este trabajo permite demostrar que en el diario prevalecieron los discursos favorables al acuerdo por sobre aquellos que proponían una lectura negativa sobre el mismo. El diario presentó a los primeros como expresión del nuevo clima democrático que la sociedad argentina comenzaba a vivir. ; Em duzentos anos como repúblicas independentes o Chile e a Argentina empreenderam guerras contra todos sus vizinhos, mas nunca entre elas. Contudo, o Natal de 1978 a controvérsia sobre os limites do canal Beagle esteve cerca de fazer enfrentar a ambos os países no campo de batalha. Graças à oportuna mediação do Papa João Paulo II e ao posterior retorno da democracia à Argentina, a discrepância conseguiu ser resolvida pacificamente com a assinatura de um acordo que contou com um esmagador apoio da população argentina, representado através do plebiscito de 1984. O presente artigo propõe analisar os sentimentos em torno ao acordo e a consulta que circularam pelas páginas do Río Negro, o diário mais influente do norte da patagônia argentina. Para isto, incorporando ferramentas da Análise do Discurso, comparamos notícias, editoriais e notas de opinião publicadas nas seções em que o diário abordou informação nacional e regional. Este trabalho permite demostrar que no diário prevaleceram os discursos favoráveis ao acordo acima daqueles que propuseram uma leitura negativa sobre o mesmo. O diário apresentou os primeiros como expressão do novo clima democrático que a sociedade argentina começava a viver.

Bu çalışma, kökleri Türk Devletleri'nin yönetim kültürüne kadar uzanan, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin hükümet sistemi arayışlarını konu edinmekte ve nihayetinde benimsenen Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine odaklanmaktadır. Dünya örneklerinde de görüldüğü üzere tarihsel süreçte hükümet sistemi değişikliğine başvuranlar mevcuttur. Bu bağlamda hükümet sistemi değişikliğine başvuranların temel hareket noktasını, siyasal istikrarın, etkinliğin sağlanması ve temsil ilişkisinin adaletli bir biçimde düzenlenmesi arayışı olduğu görülmektedir. Bu çalışma, Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sisteminin benimsenmesine kadar yaşanan hükümet sistemi tartışmaları, bu çerçevede kritik kavşaklar olarak görülebilecek dönemler ve vakalar ekseninde kaleme alınmıştır. Yeni hükümet sisteminin hayata geçmesiyle sonuçlanan bu sürecin dünyada yaşanan yürütme erkinin giderek güçlendirilmesi trendine de uygun olarak işlediği düşünülmektedir. Tarihi kökler zemininde demokratik bir temel üzerine inşa edilen yeni hükümet modeline dair, siyasal istikrar, etkinlik ve temsilde adalet ilkelerinden hareketle yapılacak değerlendirmelere yardımcı olması ve destek sağlaması maksadıyla nitel bir çalışmaya yer verilmiştir. Nitel çalışma çerçecesinde; AK Parti, MHP, CHP mensubu olan, hükümet sistemi çerçevesinde değerlendirme yetkinliğine haiz milletvekilleri ve başkanlık sistemini geçmişte savunan Özal, Erbakan ve Türkeş'in siyasette yakın çalışma arkadaşlarından oluşan 10 kişi ile yüz yüze derinlemesine mülakatlar gerçekleştirilmiştir. Görüşmeler aracılığıyla ve siyasal partilerin 24 Haziran 2018 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen seçimlere ilişkin hazırlamış oldukları seçim beyannamelerinden temin edilerek olgubilim deseni temelinde betimsel analiz yöntemi ile değerlendirilen verilerin yol göstericiliğinde; yeni hükümet sistemini kurgulayanların vaat ettikleri düzenlemelerin gerçekleştirilmesi halinde 24 Haziran öncesi dönemde uygulamada olan parlamenter sisteme nazaran siyasal istikrarın, etkinliğin ve temsilde adaletin daha çok sağlanabileceği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır ; This study discusses the seeks of governmental systems of the Republic of Turkey of which roots date back to the governmental culture of the Turkish States in the history and it focuses the Governmental System of Presidency (Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi), which has been ultimately adopted. As seen in the world examples, there are those who resort to the change of the governmental system in the historical process. In this context, it seems that the main motivational point of those who apply to the change of the governmental system is the seeking to regulate political stability, provide efficiency, and ensure representation relation in justice. This study is made in the framework of the discussions on the governmental system until the presidential government system has been adopted, and of the periods and incidents that could be seen as critical junctions in this way. It is thought that this process when has been resulted in the passing of the new governmental system also operates in accordance with the trend of strengthening the executive power that experiences in the world. In this study done within the aim of supporting and helping for the assessments to be made on the basis of the principles of political stability, effectiveness, and justice in representation about the new governmental model built on the historical roots and democracy; it was conducted the in-depth and face-to-face interviews with 10 people and parliamentarians, who are a member of AK PARTI, MHP, and CHP, have evaluation a competence on the government system, and are close political associates of Mr. Ozal, Mr. Erbakan, and Mr. Turkes. In the guidance of the data assessed by the method of descriptive analysis on the basis of the phenomenology design and provided by the interviews and the information obtained from the election statements that political parties have prepared for the elections held on 24 June 2018; it is concluded that the achievement of political stability, efficiency, and justice in representation can be achieved in comparison with the parliamentary system implemented in the pre-24 June period, if the regulations promulgated by the organizers of the new government system.

The article deals with the peculiarities of the socialization of the younger generation in the virtual space, which are reflected in the concept of "cyber socialization", which reveals a specific influence on the outlook of individuals. First, it is the formation of a certain set of value orientations that transform the behavioral model in general. Secondly – the perception of reality through virtuality, therefore. During the work we emphasize the importance of the axiological factor in the process of general socialization of youth, the impact of which is aggravated by excessive use of the Internet and social networks. Due to the spread of the phenomenon of virtuality in real life and the reassessment of values, in the worldview of a modern young generation, we can observe a rollback to materialism that is not conducive to the establishment of democracy and the process of European integration. Considerable attention is paid to the clarification of the role and functions of the classical institutes of socialization in a transitional period, where the emphasis is on the institution of education, during which time the complex formation of the individual takes place. But because of the expansion of communication tools, a modern youth spend most of their leisure time not on educational activities, not in a family or in a friendly circle, but prefer the virtual space that absorbs and fills the living space of society. That is why, in our study, we found another scientific category – "public value", which is endowed with an author's definition – is deduced and substantiated. Also, the feature of the modern generation "Y" is underlined, according to the theories of well-known American researchers, which makes it possible to talk about the beginning of a value shift in Ukrainian society towards postmaterialism. However, it is noted that the significant impact of virtual space (especially social networks), makes young people a daily consumer of various content, among which the material values dominate. Thus, the cyberspace is a set of "public values," which become one of the leading instruments of socialization along with classical institutions. ; У статті розглянуті особливості соціалізації молодого покоління у віртуальному просторі, які знайшли своє відображення у понятті "кіберсоціалізація", що виявляє специфічний вплив на світогляд індивідів. По-перше, це формування певної сукупності ціннісних орієнтацій, які трансформують модель поведінки взагалі. По-друге – сприйняття реальності через віртуальність, як наслідок. В ході роботи підкреслюється вагоме значення аксіологічного чинника у процесі загальної соціалізації молоді, вплив якого посилюється надмірним використанням Інтернету та соціальних мереж. Завдяки поширенню феномену віртуальності у реальному бутті й переоцінки цінностей, у світогляді сучасної молодої генерації, ми можемо спостерігати відкат до матеріалізму, що не є сприятливим для становлення демократії та процесу європейської інтеграції. Значна увага приділяється з'ясуванню ролі й функцій класичних інститутів соціалізації в умовах перехідного періоду, де акцент робиться саме на інституті освіти, за часи перебування в якому відбувається комплексне становлення особистості. Але через розширення інструментів комунікації, сьгоднішня молодь проводить більшу частину дозвілля не на навчальних заходах, не у родинному або дружньому колі, а надає перевагу віртуальному простору, який поглинає й заповнює життєвий простір суспільства. Саме тому, у нашому дослідженні виводиться та обґрунтовується ще одна наукова категорія – "публічна цінність", яка наділяється авторським визначенням. Підкреслюється, також, особливість сучасного покоління "У" згідно із теоріями відомих американських дослідників, що дає змогу говорити про початок ціннісного зсуву в українському суспільстві в бік постматеріалізму. Проте відзначається, що суттєвий вплив віртуального простору (особливо соціальні мережі), робить молодь щоденним споживачем різноманітного контенту, серед якого домінуючими є матеріальні цінності. Таким чином, саме кіберпростір є сукупністю "публічних цінностей", які стають одним із провідних інструментів соціалізації поряд із класичними інститутами.

The article is devoted to the coverage and comparison of the normative-legal base of the political protest of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland. The right to freedom of peaceful assembly, guaranteed by the constitutions of democratic states, is considered, and it allows the society to demonstrate disagreement with the policy of the state. In addition, in special cases, freedom of peaceful assembly and political protest are a kind of act of political communication between civil society and government. The peculiarities of the legal and regulatory framework of Ukraine regarding political protest are considered, and it is determined that the regulatory framework is limited by a small number of normative legal acts, and of the forms used by the legislator in the issues of regulating the relations of citizens and authorities regarding the issues of political protest are fairly blurry. It is noted that the wording of the political protest in the Constitution of Ukraine is rather vague, and it is noted that there is no direct article in the Constitution about political protest, but there is some hint that political protest is considered as a part of human rights. The peculiarities of the normative and legal base of political protest in the Republic of Poland are considered, it is noted that the normative-legal basis does not provide for a direct norm regarding political protest, it is stated that there are only two normative legal acts regulating relations between the state and the protesters as a social phenomenon. The concept of «political protest» in general, its kinds, forms and mechanisms under which political protest has the right to be realized is considered. The normative-legal base of political protest of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland is analyzed and compared. Conclusions are made regarding the regulatory framework of political protest of the two countries, where the Ukrainian legal framework in the field of political protest is still poorly developed and needs to be finalized, however, it still demonstrates greater democracy compared to the Polish, and has prospects for development in a democratic direction. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню та порівнянню нормативно-правової бази політичного протесту України та Республіки Польща. Розглянуто право на свободу мирних зібрань, що гарантована Конституціями демократичних держав та дає можливість суспільству демонструвати незгоду з політикою держави. Крім того, в особливих випадках, саме свобода мирних зібрань і політичний протест, стають своєрідним актом політичної комунікації між громадянським суспільством і владою. Розглянуто особливості нормативно-правової бази України щодо політичного протесту та визначено, що нормативно-правова база є обмежена невеликою кількістю нормативноправових актів, зазначено і те, що форми, якими послуговується законодавець в питаннях регулювання відносин громадян і влади, щодо питань політичного протесту є доволі розмитими. Підмічено, що в Конституції України, формулювання щодо політичного протесту є вельми нечіткими, та зазначено, що прямої статті в Конституції щодо політичного протесту немає, але є деякий натяк на те що політичний протест розглядається як частина прав людини. Розглянуто специфіку нормативно-правової бази політичного протесту в Республіці Польща, відмічено, що в нормативно-правовій базі не передбачено прямої норми стосовно політичного протесту, та вказано, що є всього два нормативно-правових акти які регулюють відносини між державою і протестуючими, як соціальним явищем. Розглянуто поняття «політичний протест» у цілому, його види, форми та механізми за якими політичний протест має право бути здійсненим. Проаналізовано та зроблено порівняння нормативно-правової бази політичного протесту України та Республіки Польща. Зроблено висновки щодо нормативно-правової бази політичного протесту двох країн, де українська нормативно-правова база в сфері політичного протесту все ще залишається слаборозвиненою та потребує доопрацювання, проте, все ж демонструє більший демократизм порівняно з польською, і має перспективи розвитку в демократичному напрямку.

ABSTRACTPublic information disclosure is a difficult thing to separate from democracy that leads to freedom and human rights. Public information disclosure is an important aspect of fulfilling the right to public information. In Indonesia itself the recognition of access to information as one of human rights in the constitution of the 1945 Constitution. To encourage the achievement of public information disclosure and then born Law No.14 of 2008 on Public Information Openness.Analysis of public information disclosure achievement at Banjarmasin City Government shows Institutionally the efforts of City Government have established agency of PPID and PPID of auxiliary in accordance with Mayor Decree Number 40 Year 2015 about Procedure of Public Service in Banjarmasin City Government Environment. Regulations and technical guidance for the implementation of information disclosure at Banjarmasin City Government on Banjarmasin City Local Regulation No. 35 of 2014 on Public Information Openness in Government Implementation in Banjarmasin City and Mayor's Decree Number 40 Year 2015 on Public Service Procedures in Banjarmasin City Government. Substantively, the efforts of Banjarmasin City Government is to provide media delivery through online services available on several sites owned by the Government of Banjarmasin and print and electronic media (local television). Products and types of information provided with lists of information under their control, decision-making; Policy; work plan; legal entity agreement with third party; information and policies submitted by Public Officials in meetings open to the public; work procedures of employees of the Regional Public Bodies and other Public Bodies relating to community services. With online media through website and delivery of information through print and electronic media (local television) and then there is ease in accessing information in the administration of the Government of Banjarmasin.Keywords : Public information, Banjarmasin, ABSTRAKKeterbukaan informasi publik adalah suatu hal yang sulit terpisahkan dari demokrasi yang menjujung kebebasan dan hak asasi manusia. Keterbukaan informasi publik menjadi aspek penting demokrasi dalam pemenuhan hak individu atas informasi publik. Di Indonesia sendiri pengakuan atas akses memperoleh informasi sebagai salah satu hak asasi manusia tercantum dalam konstitusi UUD 1945. Untuk mendorong guna tercapainya keterbukaan informasi publik kemudian lahir Undang-Undang No.14 Tahun 2008 tentang Keterbukaan Informasi Publlik.Analisis capaian keterbukaan informasi publik pada Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin menunjukkan bahwa secara kelembagaan upaya Pemerintah Kota telah membentuk lembaga PPID dan PPID pembantu sesuai dengan Surat Keputusan Walikota Nomor 40 Tahun 2015 tentang Tata Cara Layanan Informasi Publik di Lingkungan Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin. Peraturan dan petunjuk teknis untuk pelaksanaan keterbukaan informasi pada Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin mengacu pada Peraturan Daerah Kota Banjarmasin Nomor 35 Tahun 2014 tentang Keterbukaan Informasi Publik dalam Penyelenggaraan Pemerintahan di Kota Banjarmasin serta Surat Keputusan Walikota Nomor 40 Tahun 2015 tentang Tata Cara Layanan Informasi Publik di Lingkungan Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin. Secara substantif upaya Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin adalah dengan menyediakan media penyampai melalui layanan online yang tersedia pada beberapa website yang dimiliki oleh Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin serta melalui media cetak dan eletronik (televisi lokal). Produk dan jenis informasi yang diberikan diantaranya daftar informasi publik yang berada di bawah penguasaannya, hasil keputusan; kebijakan; rencana kerja proyek; perjanjian Badan Publik Daerah dan Badan Publik Lainnya dengan pihak ketiga; informasi dan kebijakan yang disampaikan Pejabat Publik dalam pertemuan yang terbuka untuk umum; prosedur kerja pegawai Badan Publik Daerah dan Badan Publik Lainnya yang berkaitan dengan pelayanan masyarakat. Dengan ketersediaan media penyampai secara online melalui website maupun penyampaian informasi melalui media cetak dan eletronik (televisi lokal) serta maka terdapat kemudahan dalam mengakses informasi dalam penyelenggaraan kegiatan pemerintahan pada Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin.Kata Kunci : Informasi Publik, Banjarmasin

The article researches the essence and content of multicultural pedagogical paradigms common in the world practice. Thus, J. Benx's pedagogical model is understood as a continuous process that requires long-term investments of time and effort, as well as carefully planned actions and monitoring. L. Frazierer's pedagogical concept is aimed at the development of cultural diversity through the introduction of specially designed methodological materials into the educational practices and a special procedure of this material submission. U. Hunter offers multicultural education through the establishment of structural educational priorities, in which the emphasis is shifted towards cultural pluralism and the maintenance of the cultural heritage of disappearing ethnic groups. In the concept of B. Parekh, the content of pedagogical multicultural practices, first of all, is freedom in the study of other cultures, acquainting students with different models of historic knowledge through the use of the entire world cultural heritage. The content of multicultural education for K. Grant is the approval and popularization of an alternative lifestyle for all people on the basis of equality of education and ensuring the availability of knowledge of all cultural diversity. B. Sizemor under multicultural education understands the assimilation of knowledge about various groups and organizations that counteract the oppression and exploitation by studying the realities and ideas which result from their work. S. Nieto considers multicultural education as the pedagogical process aimed at counteracting all forms of discrimination, deepening of interpersonal contacts between pupils and students, spreading the principles of democracy and social justice in the pedagogical process.From the socio-philosophical standpoint, the analysis of the prospects of introducing elements of multicultural pedagogical models into the domestic educational space of the educational institutions as an instrument of tolerance of intercultural relations between Ukraine and Poland is conducted.The problem of the emergence of intercultural contradictions in the context of the existence of the historical memory of separate individuals and the nation as a source of conflict is considered. The priority directions of practical implementation of elements of multicultural pedagogy in the sphere of education, family, church, activity of cultural and educational centers, public associations, mass media with the aim of establishing intercultural dialogue and tolerance of relations between bearers of different cultural traditions are determined. ; W artykulie bada się istota i treść rozpowszechnionych w światowej praktyce multykulturalnych paradygmatów pedagogicznych.Z punktu widzenia położeń społeczno-filozoficznych przeprowadzona analiza perspektyw wprowadzenia do krajowej przestrzeni edukacyjnej wielokulturalnych modeli pedagogicznych jako instrymenta tolerantyzacji stosunków międzykulturalnych pomiędzy Ukrainą a Polską. Biorąc pod uwagę specyfikę społeczeństwa ukraińskiego, do systemu krajowej edukacji zaproponowano włączać elementy multykulturalnych modeli pedagogicznych J. Benksa i S. Nieto.Rozważa się problem powstania sprzeczności międzykulturalnych w kontekście istnienia historycznej pamięci odrębnych osób i narodu jako żródła konfliktu. Proponują się sposoby rozwiązania tego problemu.Określają się priorytetowe kierunki wdrożenia w życie programów wielokuturalnych w organizacji procesu edukacyjno-wychowawczego na poziomie instytucji edukacyjnych, ośrodków kulturalno-edukacyjnych, rodziny, kościoła, stowarzyszeń pozarządowych, mediów. ; У статті досліджується сутність та зміст поширених в світовій практиці мультикультурних педагогічних парадигм. З соціально-філософських позицій проводиться аналіз перспектив упровадження у вітчизняний освітянський простір мультикультурних педагогічних моделей як інструмента толерантизації міжкультурних відносин між Україною та Польщею. Зважаючи на специфіку українського соціуму, в систему вітчизняної освіти пропонується залучати елементи мультикультурних педагогічних моделей Дж. Бенкса та С. Ньєто.Розглядається проблема виникнення міжкультурних протиріч в контексті існування історичної пам'яті окремих індивідів та нації як джерела конфліктів. Пропонуються шляхи розв'язання цієї проблеми.Визначаються пріоритетні напрями втілення в життя мультикультурних програм в організацію навчально-виховного процесу на рівні навчальних закладів, культурно-просвітницьких центрів, сім'ї, церкви, громадських обєднань, засобів масової інформації.

The article deals with the depiction of national (socio)political crises fictional(ized) US-American presidents are faced with in exemplary TV series of the 1980s and 1990s. Based on the premise that the audiovisual depiction of crises serves an exemplary function for the systems of the narrative's diegesis, the article attempts to analyse the effects of personification and representation in the fictionalized and the fictional handling of (socio)political crises. As a sample it refers to the form of the presidential biopic as depicted in Kennedy (1983) and The West Wing (1999-2006; both NBC). The little-known and even lesser-analysed TV miniseries Kennedy is used as an example for fictionalized crises handled by fictionalized leaders John and Robert Kennedy whereas the much more widely-known prime-time series The West Wing will be used as an exemplary point of reference how these fictionalized ways of handling (socio)political crises find their way into larger-scale narratives and entirely fictional formats. Finally, the results of the analysis of the discourse will lead to a reflection about how good or bad leadership are (re)imagined in these particular works of fiction and how (much) they are tied to particular characters acting as good (or bad) examples for the system they represent. Following this set of ideas, the article's hypothesis is that popular discourse often metonymically ties the (un)successful handling of a crisis to the responsible person and the outcome serves to teach the spectator how the representative of a given norm system (i. e. the democracy of the United States of America) goes about protecting the norms he comes to represent to serve as an example for the way history and collective identity are shaped through crises. ; El artículo trata sobre la descripción de las crisis (socio)políticas nacionales a las que se enfrentan los presidentes norteamericanos de ficción en ejemplos de series televisivas de los años ochenta y noventa. Partiendo de la premisa de que la representación audiovisual de las crisis cumple una función de modelo para los sistemas de diégesis narrativa, el artículo intenta analizar los efectos de la personificación y la representación en el manejo ficcionalizado y ficticio de las crisis (socio) políticas. Se toma como muestra el biopic presidencial y cómo es representado en Kennedy (1983) y The West Wing (1999-2006; ambas de la NBC). La miniserie de televisión Kennedy, poco conocida y menos analizada, se usa como ejemplo para las crisis llevadas a la ficción, manejadas por los líderes ficcionados John y Robert Kennedy, mientras que la mucho más ampliamente conocida serie en prime-time, The West Wing, se utilizará como modelo de referencia sobre cómo estas formas de ficción de manejo de crisis sociopolíticas encuentran su camino en narrativas de mayor escala y formatos ficción. Finalmente, los resultados del análisis del discurso llevarán a una reflexión sobre cómo se (re) imagina el buen o mal liderazgo en estas obras de ficción en concreto, y cómo (en gran medida) están vinculados a personajes particulares que actúan como buenos (o malos) ejemplos para el sistema que representan. Siguiendo con este conjunto de ideas, la hipótesis del artículo es que el discurso popular a menudo une metonímicamente el manejo (no) exitoso de una crisis a la persona responsable y el resultado sirve para enseñar al espectador cómo el representante de un sistema normativo dado (es decir, la democracia de los Estados Unidos de América) trata de proteger las normas que representa para servir como ejemplo de la forma en que la historia y la identidad colectiva se configuran a través de las crisis.

The newspaper «Le Monde» gives testimony, and is almost an actor, of the French Republic and its relations to foreign partners, the most important and influential of which is the United States of America. On one hand we will look into the image given by this country throughout « Le Monde »'s articles. We will consider how the United States are being covered, the way they relate to the rest of the world, the way their economy is valued, their level of development, the description of their society and their people, the image given by their democracy and their power. On the other hand we will watch the acquaintances between the United States and « Le Monde »'s editorial staff in a broad way, that is journalists and directors, from its foundation along the seventy following years and the various US administrations, which will show how the successive directors of the newspaper and the main journalists have had a genuine knowledge and esteem for this country. We will also learn the way America is covered through the designing of the newspaper. We will see how the editorial staff and the american authorities intermate, the way the latter greet and convey informations in an attempt to influence, openly or not, «Le Monde»'s protagonists ans beyond this, how the directors of the newspaper are inspired by the United States and the american press. Last but not least, we will look into the editorial line «Le Monde» choses to refer to the United States. Three major periods will emerge, the first one of which corresponds to Hubert Beuve-Méry's management with a longlasting concern ever since for financial and editorial independance. His successors will try to keep on with his heritage while America is dividing the editorial staff. After the fall of the Berlin wall the new generation will modify the vision « Le Monde » had of America whereas the digital technologies start revolutionizing the media. ; Le journal «Le Monde est un témoin voire un acteur de la vie de la République et de ses relations avec ses partenaires étrangers, à commencer par le plus important et le plus influent d'entre eux : les États-Unis d'Amérique. Cette thèse analyse d'une part l'image de ce pays dans les articles du «Monde». Elle s'intéresse à la place consacrée aux États-Unis, à leur relation avec le reste du monde, à leur image économique et à leur niveau de développement, à la description de leur société et de leur peuple, à l'image de leur système démocratique et enfin à l'image de leur puissance. Cette thèse étudie d'autre part la relation entre les États-Unis et la rédaction du «Monde» au sens large, c'est-à-dire journalistes et direction, durant les soixante-dix années écoulées depuis sa création, au fil des administrations présidentielles américaines. Elle montre comment les directeurs successifs et les principaux rédacteurs concernés connaissent et apprécient ce pays, comment est réalisée la couverture de l'Amérique par le journal. Elle étudie les rapports entre la rédaction du «Monde» et les autorités américaines, comment celles-ci accueillent, informent, essaient d'influencer ouvertement ou non le journal et ses équipes. Au delà, elle montre comment la direction du «Monde» s'inspire des États-Unis et de leur presse. Elle étudie enfin la ligne éditoriale du journal sur les États-Unis. Trois grandes périodes se dessinent, la première correspond à la direction d'Hubert Beuve-Méry qui marque durablement le journal de son souci d'indépendance matérielle et éditoriale. Ses successeurs essaient de maintenir son héritage tandis que l'Amérique divise la rédaction. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, une nouvelle génération, moderne, transforme le regard du journal sur l'Amérique, alors que le numérique révolutionne les médias.

La emisión, por primera vez, de series ficcionales sobre la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet en la televisión abierta chilena para la conmemoración de los cuarenta años del golpe de estado de 1973 generó una serie de debates que impactaron en la esfera pública al tensionar un pasado silenciado por la transición a la democracia. En esa línea, surgen las siguientes preguntas de investigación: ¿qué memorias sobre el pasado reciente de Chile construye la generación que vivió el golpe de estado (de 50 a 64 años) a partir de sus lecturas de estas series ficcionales? y ¿por qué estas memorias entran en conflicto en la esfera pública? Para responder a estas interrogantes desde las bases epistemológicas cualitativas del interpretativismo y el constructivismo social, se realizaron ocho entrevistas en profundidad y dos reuniones de grupo con hombres y mujeres de distintos segmentos socioeconómicos que vivieron el golpe y la dictadura (1973-1989) y que vieron las series de ficción mencionadas. Como resultado, se constató la presencia de tres tipos de memorias en pugna en la esfera pública: 1) memorias encapsuladas, 2) memorias desencantadas y 3) memorias pragmáticas, que dan cuenta de una lectura crítica sobre el pasado reciente de Chile. ; The first fictional series about Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship broadcast on Chilean open television for the commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the 1973 coup generated a series of debates which had a great impact in the public sphere by reopening the tension of a past silenced by the transition to democracy. Along this line, the following research questions arise: what memories do the generation that lived through the coup (now aged 50-64) construct about Chile's recent past based on their interpretation of these fictional series? and why do these memories conflict in the public sphere? To answer these questions, the qualitative epistemological bases of interpretivism and social constructivism will be used to analyse eight in-depth interviews and two focus groups that were carried out with men and women from different socio-economic backgrounds who experienced the coup and the dictatorship (1973-1989), and saw the fictional series mentioned. Consequently, there were three types of memories in conflict in the public sphere: (1) encapsulated memories, (2) disenchanted memories, and (3) pragmatic memories, which resulted in a critical reading of Chile's recent past. ; L'emissió, per primera vegada, de sèries de ficció sobre la dictadura d'Augusto Pinochet en la televisió oberta xilena per commemorar els quaranta anys del cop d'estat de 1973 va generar una sèrie de debats que van impactar en l'esfera pública perquè van tensar un passat silenciat per la transició a la democràcia. En aquesta línia, sorgeixen les preguntes d'investigació següents: quines memòries sobre el passat recent de Xile construeix la generació que va viure el cop d'estat (de 50 a 64 anys) a partir de la seva lectura d'aquestes sèries de ficció?, i per què aquestes memòries entren en conflicte en l'esfera pública? Per respondre a aquests interrogants des de les bases epistemològiques qualitatives de l'interpretativisme i el constructivisme social, es van fer vuit entrevistes en profunditat i dues reunions de grup amb homes i dones de diferents segments socioeconòmics que van viure el cop i la dictadura (1973-1989) i que van veure les sèries de ficció esmentades. Com a resultat, es va constatar la presència de tres tipus de memòries en pugna en l'esfera pública: 1) memòries encapsulades, 2) memòries desencantades i 3) memòries pragmàtiques, que ofereixen una lectura crítica sobre el passat recent de Xile.