Suchergebnisse

Hu, Peng. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-193). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendix 2 in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 14, September, 2016).

中国的私营企业主支持民主吗?此研究发现整体上他们拥有民主价值观念,但是他们认为民主在中国不可行,所以他们选择维持现状。通过分析一份全国性问卷调查数据,本文指出中国的私营企业主比其他的中产阶级和劳动阶层更加可能支持民主价值观念,在控制了相关的政治性,区域性和基本的个人特征的影响之后,这样的差异依然存在。用结构化方程模型分析一份针对 2071 位私营企业主的问卷调查数据进一步表明私营企业主的民主价值观念并不受他们与政府的政治联系的影响。和政府有各种联系的私营企业主并没有比其他企业主更加保守。然而通过与他们的深度访谈,文章发现拥有民主价值观念的私营企业家同时也支持政府。他们认为民主在中国并不可行,至少在目前这个阶段。因此,他们倾向于选择维持现状。 ; Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This study shows that in general, private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concern with the feasibility of democracy predisposes them toward maintaining the status quo. Drawing on a national survey, this research indicates that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. An analysis of a survey data on 2071 private entrepreneurs further shows that politically embedded entrepreneurs are not significantly less likely to endorse democratic values than non-politically embedded entrepreneurs. In-depth interviews suggest that private entrepreneurs who have democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. In real life, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Jin, Shuai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51). ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

《基本法》雖然承諾香港循序漸進達致行政和立法機關雙普選,但回歸至今,民主政制不單停滯不前,更有倒退跡象。儘管制度沒有很大變遷,北京政府多次以不同理由拖延民主改革訴求,但親政府陣營卻逐漸擴大組織力量,降低反對派的挑戰可能,使選舉制度的競爭性降低。 ; 本文旨在探討,威權政府下舉行的選舉,究竟是促進、還是阻礙民主轉型。一般威權政府下的選舉並不穩定,反對派有可能透過不斷舉行的選舉挑戰政權,推動民主轉型。香港卻恰恰相反,反對派的不但分裂,動員能力亦逐漸降低。本文希望證明,威權主義下的選舉不一定對反對派有利,只要政權能夠鞏固選舉能力,籠絡不同社會界別孤立反對勢力,足以使反對派難以透過直接選舉推動民主。重複選舉亦不一定為反對派帶來好處,長年處於選舉威權,不但使反對派的動員能力降低,也會因策略分歧而導致路線之爭,形成轉型疲勞的局面。 ; 研究分為三部分,第一部分將檢視回歸以來選舉制度的變遷及結果,說明回歸後的選舉制度,越來越不利反對派生存。第二、三部分將探討回歸後親政府陣營及反對派的發展,當親政府陣營擴張及善理主從網絡,反對派則逐漸分裂,甚至因策略分歧互相攻訐,使反對派從選舉獲得的資源和挑戰政權的機會越來越少。 ; Basic Law has stipulated that Hong Kong will have universal suffrage gradually for legislative and executive branch. Despite that, after the handover from Britain, Chinese government has deferred democratization and suppressed opposition's urge. Besides, the pro-government coalition has established hegemony in electoral arena, which is impossible for opposition to compete with. The competitiveness of the stunned electoral politics has been further decreased. ; This article aimed to discuss whether the election hold under electoral authoritarianism is beneficial to democratization. According to hybrid regime researches, continuing elections, despite partially, create opportunities for oppositions to challenge the ruling coalition and install democratic virtues. Hong Kong is suffering from another way. Decreasing mobilization power, splitting opposition forces has shadowed democratic movement. The article aimed to suggest that provided the ruling coalition has ability to increase mobilization power and co-opting political elites, opposition loses opportunity structure to implement democratic process. They have to encounter demobilization and internal struggle within transition fatigue environment. ; There are three parts in the research. Firstly, I evaluate electoral reform and the result of repeating elections after handover. It is suggested that opposition becomes difficult to survive. The second and third sections would discuss the development of ruling elite and opposition from 1997-2012. When the ruling elite ...