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When politicians and pundits in the Middle East discuss democracy, do they mean it? Looking at public discourse about democracy in contemporary Egypt, Dunne proposes a fresh way of reading Arabic political discourse. She charts a method combining ethnographic research into communities of people producing political discourse with investigation of the texts themselves, using tools from anthropology, pragmatics, and sociolinguistics -- a method with broad applicability to political discourse generally. Taking off from the premise that all discourse is based in social interaction, this book demonst

In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ & to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, & passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist & Mediterranean countries than in the Western European & Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker & is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro- & macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity & satisfaction with the way democracy works.

Sammlung von 16 Aufsätzen, gehalten auf dem 1. Weltsymposium zum Grünen Buch, Benghazi 1983; die Beiträge kreisen um den ersten Teil des Grünen Buches (Freiheit in der Dritten Welt und in Libyen; Freiheit und Demokratie im Denken Qaddafis; die Rolle der politischen Doktrin des Grünen Buches in der westlichen Welt). (DÜI-Faa)

تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.

The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...