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This article discusses the recent debate between Jürgen Habermas and Wolfgang Streeck on the relationship between capitalism and democracy in Europe. The article recounts Streeck's analysis of the financial crisis, the transformation of the tax state into the debt state, and the development of the EU towards an international consolidation state, which informs Streeck's call for a retreat from Europe to the nation-state as the last line of defense against neoliberal capitalism. The article proceeds to sketch Habermas's criticism of Streeck's argument, and it illustrates how Habermas' proposal for a reconstitution of the EU as a supranational democracy is motivated by foundational concerns in his critical theory of society. Finally, the article argues that the debate results in an unresolved dilemma: while only a democratized EU can reestablish the supremacy of politics over globalized markets, the EU is more likely to become further entrenched as an international consolidation state.

In this chapter we outline the Danish and Scandinavian experiences with coalition governments and coalition governance. We do so by first briefly describing the historical path that has led to the political system we see working today in these countries. Then we tell about the political culture and institutional factors that lead to coalition governments. In the third section, we look at the nature of political agreements. We discuss the preconditions for coalition governments or coalition governance and its pros and cons. We focus on the trade-offs between including different interests into legislative coalitions and the possible lack of clarity of responsibility or of party identity that this inclusion entails. ; In this chapter we outline the Danish and Scandinavian experiences with coalition governments and coalition governance. We do so by first briefly describing the historical path that has led to the political system we see working today in these countries. Then we tell about the political culture and institutional factors that lead to coalition governments. In the third section, we look at the nature of political agreements. We discuss the preconditions for coalition governments or coalition governance and its pros and cons. We focus on the trade-offs between including different interests into legislative coalitions and the possible lack of clarity of responsibility or of party identity that this inclusion entails.

زمینه و هدف: آموزش علاوه بر این‌که یکی از مصادیق مهم حقوق بشر است، ابزاری مهم برای تحقق سایر مصادیق حقوق بشر نیز به شمار می‌رود. تضمین و اجرای حق آموزش مقدمه تضمین و اجرای سایر مصادیق حقوق بشر می‌باشد. حق بر آموزش ابتدعاً در قامت یک اصل کلی و منعطف که فاقد تعهدات حقوقی مشخص و الزام‌آور بود، در قالب اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر پذیرفته شد. به علت تفاوت‌های بنیادینی که در نظام‌های حقوقی ـ سیاسی دولت‌ها وجود داشت، توسعه و تقویت حق مزبور به نظام‌های حقوقی منطقه‌ای و داخلی سپرده شد. مواد و روش‌ها: در این مطالعه با روش تحلیلی ـ توصیفی، ابتدا مفهوم شهروندی و اهمیت آموزش بحث و بررسی خواهد شد. پس از مشخص‌شدن وضعیت متغیر مزبور، اهداف فرآیند آموزشی و مفهوم «حق بر آموزش» برای تبیین دقیق‌تر چارچوب کلی مسأله اصلی پژوهش حاضر و سپس آموزش دموکراسی، تسامح و تساهل به عنوان معیار اصلی برای ترویج شهروندی دموکراتیک مورد بحث و بررسی قرار خواهد گرفت. ملاحظات اخلاقی: در تمام مراحل نگارش پژوهش حاضر، ضمن رعایت اصالت متون، صداقت و امانتداری رعایت شده است. یافته‌ها: در چارچوب حق بر توانمندسازی، آموزش سازکاری است که با استفاده از آن، افراد می‌توانند ابزارهای لازم را برای مشارکت کامل در جوامع به دست آورند. آموزش نقش بسیار مهمی را در توانمندسازی اقشار آسیب‌پذیر، ترویج حقوق بشر و دموکراسی، فراهم کردن زمینه‌های لازم برای توسعه پایدار و. ایفا می‌کند، در نتیجه آموزش به عنوان یکی از بهترین سرمایه‌گذاری‌های مادی و معنوی محسوب می‌شود که یک دولت می‌تواند در راستای توسعه، پیشرفت و رفاه شهروندان خود، انجام دهد. نتیجه‌گیری: تحولات حق بر آموزش و اجرا و تضمین آن در چارچوب دکترین شهروندی دموکراتیک و در نتیجه، ارتباط آن با توسعه و تقویت مفهوم حکومت قانون و عناصر تشکیل‌دهنده آن، در فرآیند تربیت شهروندان پایبند به دموکراسی و ایجاد یک نظام حقوقی ـ سیاسی که اصلی‌ترین و کارآمدترین ضمانت اجرای آن فشار واقعی افکار عمومی و مطالبه‌گری عموم مردم خواهد بود، نقش اساسی ایفا کند. ; Background and Aim: Education is not only one of the important examples of human rights but also an important tool for the realization of other examples of human rights. The guarantee and enforcement of this right is a prelude to the guarantee and enforcement of other instances of human rights. The right to education was initially recognized as a general and flexible principle that had no clear and binding legal obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Due to the fundamental differences that existed in the legal-political systems of governments, the development and strengthening of this right was entrusted to regional and domestic legal systems. Materials and Methods: In this study with analytical-descriptive method, first the concept of citizenship and the importance of education will be discussed. After determining the status of this variable, the objectives of the educational process and the concept of "right to education" will be considered to explain more precisely the general framework of the main issue of the present study. In the third step, the teaching of democracy, tolerance and tolerance as the main criteria for promoting democratic citizenship will be discussed. Ethical Considerations: In order to organize this research, while observing the authenticity of the texts, honesty and fidelity have been observed. Findings: Within the framework of the right to empowerment, education is a mechanism by which individuals can acquire the tools necessary for full participation in society. Education plays a very important role in empowering the vulnerable, promoting human rights and democracy, providing the necessary conditions for sustainable development, and so on. As a result, education is considered as one of the best materials and spiritual investments that a government can make for the development, progress and welfare of its citizens. Conclusion: Developments in the right to education and implementation and its guarantee within the framework of the doctrine of democratic citizenship and, consequently, its relationship with the development and strengthening of the concept of rule of law and its constituent elements can in the process of educating citizens committed to democracy and creating a legal-political system. The main and most effective guarantee of its implementation will be the real pressure of public opinion and public demand, to play a key role. Please cite this article as: Rostami S, Soleymanzadeh T. A Rethinking of the Concept of Right to Education in the Light of Democratic Citizenship. Bioethics Journal, Special Issue on Bioethics and Citizenship Rights 2020; 173-186.

The regional powerhouse, South Africa, has since the introduction of the nonracial democratic dispensation in 1994, played a central and important role in the formation of both the regional and continental security architecture. With the establishment of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 1992, one of the central areas of collaboration for the community was envisioned to be security, understood within a broadened human security framework. Security was therefore from the outset one of the cornerstones of integration in the SADC. It was believed that the formation of a security community would help dismantle the enmities that had plagued regional relations during the apartheid era. For some parties, institutionalisation of relations pointed to a means of stabilising and disseminating a particular order. Such institutions depict the power relations prevailing at the time of their establishment, which, however, can change over time (Cox 1981:136). The integration ambition surrounding security correlated with the ambitions of South Africa, the new democratic government in the regional powerhouse. South Africa and its overall foreign policy ambitions desired the pursuit of peace, democracy and stability for economic growth and development in the region and within South Africa itself. Since South Africa's acceptance into the SADC in 1994, the organisation has attempted to set up the required institutional framework to enable co-operation on security, both in terms of narrow military co-operation and regarding designated 2 softer security issues, such as migration and cross-border crime. The military cooperation moved forward in the early years after 1994 with the 1996 decision of creating an Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (OPDSC)1 and later the signing of the Mutual Defence Pact (MDP) in 2003, and eventually the creation of the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) in 2004, which operationalised the OPDSC (SADC 2004). However, the actual military cooperation, e.g. military exercises, came close to a standstill. Several developments obstructed military co-operation of which the evolving crisis in Zimbabwe and the subsequent withdrawal of donor support to, for instance, the Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre (RPTC) in Harare are but two examples. The RPTC constituted the backbone of the co-operation, but political differences between member states illustrated during the Zimbabwean crisis and following the mandate of the interventions in especially the DR Congo and partly Lesotho in 1998 all contributed to regional tensions.2 Despite the crisis, SADC members, and in particular South Africa, declared that the organisation would be able to form a regional stand-by brigade for the use of the African Union (AU) as part of its wider security architecture. On 17 August 2007, the SADC declared its stand-by-force operational at a large parade in Lusaka, Zambia and at the same occasion signed a memorandum of understanding on the SADCBRIG (SADC 2007). According to the timeline provided by the AU, the brigade should be fully operational by June 2010. Former South African deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad stated after the launch that this was an important step, but that now there was much to be done securing joint levels and types of training, interoperability, etc. (Pahad 2007). The question that continues to linger is to what extent this brigade is operational and for what purpose. Is this new regional military formation in its present form just a paper tiger, or is it "real progress" and an example of "successful" regional cooperation and integration? This article scrutinises the security co-operation and integration in SADC and asks whether an apparent lack of common values between SADC member states are blocking the security integration process, the creation of a security community, and thereby the establishment of an effective stand-by brigade, the so-called SADCBRIG. The article furthermore attempts to scrutinise the role played by South Africa in establishing the SADCBRIG.