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This article examines some issues related to the visions of the ancient Greeks on the polis, the emergence of (classical) Athenian democracy and the transition from Greek democracy to Roman (republican) democracy. It supports the idea that in the analysis of the evolution of the democratic phenomenon, a logical succession of distinct stages is noticed - from ancient democracy, to modern democracy and, finally, to the democracy of the future. Particular attention is paid to the understanding of the ancient Greeks on the fortress, because the city-state, being a form of organization specific to Ancient Greece, fulfilled several roles - military, political, economic and religious. But the main function was the political one, represented by certain leading institutions of the inhabitants of the polis. It is shown that the concept of democracy was created to describe an evolving reality, a type of city-state in which the citizens govern themselfs. The Athens was, in fact, not the only democracy of the ancient Greek world, but it manifested itself most fully through its stability and durability for about two centuries. Considering that the glory moments of the (classical) Athenian democracy comprise three prominent figures - Solon, Clistene and Pericle, the institutions of this democracy are identified and at the same time described. It is concluded that the Athenian polis aimed at a systemic interrelation between the state and society, andthe participation in the governance of the citizen-governors assumed that the people (the demos) would engage in legislative and legal functions.

Scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è indagare l'impatto che l'e-democracy sta producendo sull'evoluzione della rappresentanza e della partecipazione politica e, più in generale, sul funzionamento dei sistemi democratici. L'analisi prende le mosse da una ricostruzione dei principali modelli di democrazia che sono stati sperimentati nel corso del tempo, per poi passare ad esaminare il processo di crisi della democrazia rappresentativa e della partecipazione intermediata. In questo contesto si inserisce, con il suo carico di novità, la rivoluzione digitale. Premessa, quindi, una definizione di riferimento della nozione di e-democracy e delineate analogie e differenze con i concetti di e-voting ed e-government, la ricerca analizza le principali applicazioni di democrazia digitale, con il comune obiettivo di comprendere come esse, da angolature differenti e con diversi gradi di intensità, stiano trasformando il legame tra rappresentanti e rappresentati. Oggetto di esame è, anzitutto, la comunicazione politica online, con particolare riferimento alle tecniche di profilazione degli utenti-elettori e al conseguente rischio di manipolazione del consenso. In un secondo momento, l'attenzione si sposta sull'evoluzione che le nuove tecnologie stanno determinando nell'organizzazione dei partiti politici. Successivamente, si analizza l'impatto che la digitalizzazione può determinare sull'esercizio del diritto di voto e sui poteri di iniziativa relativi agli strumenti c.d. di democrazia diretta. Infine, una riflessione è dedicata al tema, posto improvvisamente dalla pandemia da Covid-19, dell'introduzione, in determinate circostanze, di forme di partecipazione e voto da remoto ai lavori parlamentari e, pertanto, della possibilità ed opportunità di immaginare un "Parlamento telematico". ; This doctoral thesis aims to explore the impact of e-democracy on the evolution of representation, political participation and, more generally, the functioning of democratic systems. After giving an overview of the main models of democracy tested over time, the analysis is carried out considering the current crisis of representative democracies and political intermediation. In this setting, the digital revolution arises. Thereafter, a definition of e-democracy is provided and it is compared with the concepts of e-voting and e-government. Then, the research explores the main applications of e-democracy to assess how the relationship between representatives and citizens is changing. Firstly, online political communication is evaluated, focusing on the targeting of social media users and the consequent threats of political manipulation. Secondly, the transformation of political party organization caused by digital revolution is pointed out. Subsequently, the impact of digitalization on voting procedures and direct democracy tools is assessed. Finally, the study focuses on the issue, raised by the COVID-19 pandemic, of introducing, under certain circumstances, electronic remote participation and voting in parliamentary work, in order to reflect on the legitimacy, as well as the opportunity, of a "virtual Parliament".

The article explores the rationale of the Romanian political community as defined by its successive constitutional layouts, since the first fundamental law of 1866, including the Communist constitutional settings, and concluding with the post-communist constitutional design. This consistency of the political community is tested by means of an analytical distinction between the Nation-State and the National State. The former is understood as the institutional underpinning of a community bearing a political project. The latter is seen as the institutional outcome of an ethnic group and the warrant of its political integrity. Such an examination of the Romanian constitutional production sheds light on the historical and unambiguous predominance of the National State, while the Nation State emerged briefly and warily in the Romanian setting in the form of the socialist nation state. By the same token, this approach questions the adequacy between democracy and this rationale of the Romanian political community. While the socialist Nation State, as it was constitutionally designed, failed to guarantee the effectiveness of popular democracy, the Romanian National State, as it was shaped by the successive constitutional texts, pre-communist and post-communist, was always unable to accommodate completely with democracy.

In January 2007, within the sphere of a convention on documentation possibilities organized by the Roselli Institute of Turin, Roberto Casati and the author illustrated a proposal regarding the creation on the web of a tool for editorial negotiation for the joint drafting of prescriptive texts (and especially of legislative bills). In brief, the proposal foresees the use of a Wiki platform for drafting the text, accompanied by an open archive that is able to collect and make accessible the relevant documentation, and by a CMS (also a simple platform for blog management) for creating information and update pages. The Wiki platform should be enriched with specific aspects for the marking and export of the text in XML format used for the structured editing of legislative texts , through the integration of a network version of some tools of the xmLeges family. The proposal comes from a double consideration In the first place, by now network tools permit an extremely effective long-distance cooperation even with regard to editorial negotiation and the drafting of complex texts. Although not the only resource that can be used in this context, Wiki technology has amply demonstrated in the field – through projects such as Wikipedia – its fundamental soundness for the management of forms of open and extended editorial negotiation; the possibilities of revert (return to a previous draft of the text) and of complete tracing of modifications allow both a diachronic view of the process of editorial negotiation and a reasonably effective management of phenomena such as vandalism; the chance to put a discussion page beside an editorial page guarantees explanation of the motivations at the basis of the modifications proposed to the text.In the second place, in our opinion, the creation of effective forms of shared democracy requires specific attention to the point of documentary management and production, and the consequent availability of tools able to guarantee participants both the required strictness of the process of editorial negotiation (which is in the final analysis a discussional process, of which it is important to be able to explain, share and discuss all stages), and the chance to collect and make available a suitable, opportunely structured documentation. ; In January 2007, within the sphere of a convention on documentation possibilities organized by the Roselli Institute of Turin, Roberto Casati and the author illustrated a proposal regarding the creation on the web of a tool for editorial negotiation for the joint drafting of prescriptive texts (and especially of legislative bills). In brief, the proposal foresees the use of a Wiki platform for drafting the text, accompanied by an open archive that is able to collect and make accessible the relevant documentation, and by a CMS (also a simple platform for blog management) for creating information and update pages. The Wiki platform should be enriched with specific aspects for the marking and export of the text in XML format used for the structured editing of legislative texts , through the integration of a network version of some tools of the xmLeges family. The proposal comes from a double consideration In the first place, by now network tools permit an extremely effective long-distance cooperation even with regard to editorial negotiation and the drafting of complex texts. Although not the only resource that can be used in this context, Wiki technology has amply demonstrated in the field – through projects such as Wikipedia – its fundamental soundness for the management of forms of open and extended editorial negotiation; the possibilities of revert (return to a previous draft of the text) and of complete tracing of modifications allow both a diachronic view of the process of editorial negotiation and a reasonably effective management of phenomena such as vandalism; the chance to put a discussion page beside an editorial page guarantees explanation of the motivations at the basis of the modifications proposed to the text.In the second place, in our opinion, the creation of effective forms of shared democracy requires specific attention to the point of documentary management and production, and the consequent availability of tools able to guarantee participants both the required strictness of the process of editorial negotiation (which is in the final analysis a discussional process, of which it is important to be able to explain, share and discuss all stages), and the chance to collect and make available a suitable, opportunely structured documentation.

Adapted from the source document.

La moda è un'istituzione sociale storicamente determinata che alimenta il cambiamento attraverso un turn over in innovazione e novità e che diventa semprepiù pervasiva a seconda dell'entità della quota di popolazione che ha le risorse – siano esse economiche, culturali o sociali – per accedere alla moda stessa. Una forte e decisa spinta all'incremento delle opportunità a tale accesso si è avuta tra la seconda metà dell'Ottocento e la seconda metà del Novecento. Sono già state fornite esaurienti illustrazioni delle cause di ordine economico e sociale che hanno prodotto tali progressi, mentre minore attenzione è stata dedicata alle modalità di interazione tra moda e sistemi politici. Se è vero, come ha affermato Yuniya Kawamura che "In alcune società dove l'ideologia dominante è antipatica al cambiamento e al progresso sociale, la moda non può esistere", allora il secolo compreso tra il 1860 e il 1960, in cui in Europa si sono succeduti governi liberali, regimi socialisti e nazisti, dittature fasciste e, infine, regimi democratici, offre l'opportunitàdi analizzare questo tema in una stimolante prospettiva comparativa.