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The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.

Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Consociational democracy and its main purpose to create a stable democracy in deeply divided societies is the talking point among political scientists and politicians who want to consolidate regimes in conflicted countries. Together with the growing interest for consociational democracy comes a problem, when theories which were created on the basis of some model societies are tried to apply to societies which are very different in nature to the first ones. Because of this situation, there is a need to revise the theory and the challenges of consociationalism. A comprehensive evaluation of the perspectives and favorable conditions of consociationalism demands further analysis in this field. Trying to point out this problem, there was made an analysis of the main elements of consociationalism as well as the impact of favorable conditions for implementation of consociationalism in deeply divided societies and the implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland. The main finding of this article is that favorable conditions have more importance than it was first assumed by A. Lijphart in late 1970s. As a result there is strong evidence that the combination of such favorable conditions as the traditions of elite accommodation and segmental isolation has a great importance on success of consociationalism. Moreover, it can be assumed that plenty of favorable conditions caused successful implementation of consociationalism in Switzerland.

Analyzing the qualitative data from 4 focus-group interviews (2 interviews were conducted in urban and 2 in rural locations), this article identifies features of political and social trust and participation in relation to the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania. Lithuanians have low trust in political institutions; their trust depends on complex factors such as a big social gap between the political institutions and citizens, negative portrayals of the political institutions in mass media, centralized decisions of the political institutions or minimization of a communal voice. Political trust is low in communities and locations in which local authorities do not support or maintain any social contacts with local residents. Mass media influence immensely citizens' political trust in the national government or political institutions; citizens' distrust is often based on media scandals involving politicians and public figures. Lithuanians' participation in communal or public activities is often characterized by the principle of competition: several communities or non-governmental organizations in the same location often duplicate same tasks and compete with each other. Similarly, because of their narrow activities and social networks, communities tend to maintain fragmentary connections with local residents. Pragmatic, rational and personal interests as well as a trust in narrow social networks characterize the low level of social trust in people and limited communal participation in Lithuania.

Analyzing the qualitative data from 4 focus-group interviews (2 interviews were conducted in urban and 2 in rural locations), this article identifies features of political and social trust and participation in relation to the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania. Lithuanians have low trust in political institutions; their trust depends on complex factors such as a big social gap between the political institutions and citizens, negative portrayals of the political institutions in mass media, centralized decisions of the political institutions or minimization of a communal voice. Political trust is low in communities and locations in which local authorities do not support or maintain any social contacts with local residents. Mass media influence immensely citizens' political trust in the national government or political institutions; citizens' distrust is often based on media scandals involving politicians and public figures. Lithuanians' participation in communal or public activities is often characterized by the principle of competition: several communities or non-governmental organizations in the same location often duplicate same tasks and compete with each other. Similarly, because of their narrow activities and social networks, communities tend to maintain fragmentary connections with local residents. Pragmatic, rational and personal interests as well as a trust in narrow social networks characterize the low level of social trust in people and limited communal participation in Lithuania.

Analyzing the qualitative data from 4 focus-group interviews (2 interviews were conducted in urban and 2 in rural locations), this article identifies features of political and social trust and participation in relation to the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania. Lithuanians have low trust in political institutions; their trust depends on complex factors such as a big social gap between the political institutions and citizens, negative portrayals of the political institutions in mass media, centralized decisions of the political institutions or minimization of a communal voice. Political trust is low in communities and locations in which local authorities do not support or maintain any social contacts with local residents. Mass media influence immensely citizens' political trust in the national government or political institutions; citizens' distrust is often based on media scandals involving politicians and public figures. Lithuanians' participation in communal or public activities is often characterized by the principle of competition: several communities or non-governmental organizations in the same location often duplicate same tasks and compete with each other. Similarly, because of their narrow activities and social networks, communities tend to maintain fragmentary connections with local residents. Pragmatic, rational and personal interests as well as a trust in narrow social networks characterize the low level of social trust in people and limited communal participation in Lithuania.

Analyzing the qualitative data from 4 focus-group interviews (2 interviews were conducted in urban and 2 in rural locations), this article identifies features of political and social trust and participation in relation to the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania. Lithuanians have low trust in political institutions; their trust depends on complex factors such as a big social gap between the political institutions and citizens, negative portrayals of the political institutions in mass media, centralized decisions of the political institutions or minimization of a communal voice. Political trust is low in communities and locations in which local authorities do not support or maintain any social contacts with local residents. Mass media influence immensely citizens' political trust in the national government or political institutions; citizens' distrust is often based on media scandals involving politicians and public figures. Lithuanians' participation in communal or public activities is often characterized by the principle of competition: several communities or non-governmental organizations in the same location often duplicate same tasks and compete with each other. Similarly, because of their narrow activities and social networks, communities tend to maintain fragmentary connections with local residents. Pragmatic, rational and personal interests as well as a trust in narrow social networks characterize the low level of social trust in people and limited communal participation in Lithuania.

Analyzing the qualitative data from 4 focus-group interviews (2 interviews were conducted in urban and 2 in rural locations), this article identifies features of political and social trust and participation in relation to the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania. Lithuanians have low trust in political institutions; their trust depends on complex factors such as a big social gap between the political institutions and citizens, negative portrayals of the political institutions in mass media, centralized decisions of the political institutions or minimization of a communal voice. Political trust is low in communities and locations in which local authorities do not support or maintain any social contacts with local residents. Mass media influence immensely citizens' political trust in the national government or political institutions; citizens' distrust is often based on media scandals involving politicians and public figures. Lithuanians' participation in communal or public activities is often characterized by the principle of competition: several communities or non-governmental organizations in the same location often duplicate same tasks and compete with each other. Similarly, because of their narrow activities and social networks, communities tend to maintain fragmentary connections with local residents. Pragmatic, rational and personal interests as well as a trust in narrow social networks characterize the low level of social trust in people and limited communal participation in Lithuania.

The democratization process started in post-communits countries after the third wave of democratization. Democratic consolidation is the result of the democratic process that reflects the country's democratic status. It is expressed through the quality criteria of democracy. Political culture, economic and social situation and human rigths and freedoms are very important criteria which are used in order to explain the democracy's consolidation in Lithuania and Estonia. Those countries chose the democratic regime. However, it is noticed that there are differences between Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. This is the main problem of this work. The problem's analysis is the aim of the research that is achieved by defining the concept of democracy and its conditions, making an analysis of Lithuanian and Estonian political culture, economic and social situation and the human rights and freedoms. So, the paper's object – is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and Estonia. The research uses descriptive and comparative methods that help to analyze the main differences and their reasons. The analysis has shown that Estonia has better economic and social situation than Lithuania since the becoming independent states. It could be influenced by advantageous geographical position, open market economy and German culture. The research has shown that when the economic situation is changing, the political culture is also changing at the same time. The comparison of democracy's consolidation has improved the fact that most of the citizens are inclined to trust in public institutions and government representatives when there are better socio-economic conditions in the state. People actively participate in elections and voluntary organizations. The work also has shown the main differences on Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. Lithuanian democracy faces serious challenges. The main problem is related with the weakness of political culture. Although the economic differences between Lithuania and Estonia are not so big, but the activity of civil society, the confidence in political institutions and officers and attitudes to the future prospects are more optimistic. With regard to the rights and freedoms, the biggest noticeable difference – the political participation of non citizens.

The democratization process started in post-communits countries after the third wave of democratization. Democratic consolidation is the result of the democratic process that reflects the country's democratic status. It is expressed through the quality criteria of democracy. Political culture, economic and social situation and human rigths and freedoms are very important criteria which are used in order to explain the democracy's consolidation in Lithuania and Estonia. Those countries chose the democratic regime. However, it is noticed that there are differences between Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. This is the main problem of this work. The problem's analysis is the aim of the research that is achieved by defining the concept of democracy and its conditions, making an analysis of Lithuanian and Estonian political culture, economic and social situation and the human rights and freedoms. So, the paper's object – is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and Estonia. The research uses descriptive and comparative methods that help to analyze the main differences and their reasons. The analysis has shown that Estonia has better economic and social situation than Lithuania since the becoming independent states. It could be influenced by advantageous geographical position, open market economy and German culture. The research has shown that when the economic situation is changing, the political culture is also changing at the same time. The comparison of democracy's consolidation has improved the fact that most of the citizens are inclined to trust in public institutions and government representatives when there are better socio-economic conditions in the state. People actively participate in elections and voluntary organizations. The work also has shown the main differences on Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. Lithuanian democracy faces serious challenges. The main problem is related with the weakness of political culture. Although the economic differences between Lithuania and Estonia are not so big, but the activity of civil society, the confidence in political institutions and officers and attitudes to the future prospects are more optimistic. With regard to the rights and freedoms, the biggest noticeable difference – the political participation of non citizens.

The democratization process started in post-communits countries after the third wave of democratization. Democratic consolidation is the result of the democratic process that reflects the country's democratic status. It is expressed through the quality criteria of democracy. Political culture, economic and social situation and human rigths and freedoms are very important criteria which are used in order to explain the democracy's consolidation in Lithuania and Estonia. Those countries chose the democratic regime. However, it is noticed that there are differences between Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. This is the main problem of this work. The problem's analysis is the aim of the research that is achieved by defining the concept of democracy and its conditions, making an analysis of Lithuanian and Estonian political culture, economic and social situation and the human rights and freedoms. So, the paper's object – is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and Estonia. The research uses descriptive and comparative methods that help to analyze the main differences and their reasons. The analysis has shown that Estonia has better economic and social situation than Lithuania since the becoming independent states. It could be influenced by advantageous geographical position, open market economy and German culture. The research has shown that when the economic situation is changing, the political culture is also changing at the same time. The comparison of democracy's consolidation has improved the fact that most of the citizens are inclined to trust in public institutions and government representatives when there are better socio-economic conditions in the state. People actively participate in elections and voluntary organizations. The work also has shown the main differences on Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. Lithuanian democracy faces serious challenges. The main problem is related with the weakness of political culture. Although the economic differences between Lithuania and Estonia are not so big, but the activity of civil society, the confidence in political institutions and officers and attitudes to the future prospects are more optimistic. With regard to the rights and freedoms, the biggest noticeable difference – the political participation of non citizens.

What is the role of social democratic paradigm in Lithuanian society? In the article a short history of development social democracy policy worldwide is presented, emphasizing the main stages of its history and paying attention to the different present conditions that have particularly changed during the last 30 years under the influence of neoliberal ideas.

What is the role of social democratic paradigm in Lithuanian society? In the article a short history of development social democracy policy worldwide is presented, emphasizing the main stages of its history and paying attention to the different present conditions that have particularly changed during the last 30 years under the influence of neoliberal ideas.