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The article reveals the concept and essence of e-democracy, analyzes different approaches in this matter and highlights the features of formation, results and problems of e- government and e-democracy in Uzbekistan.

The article analyzes the long-term impact of democratic institutions on socio-economic and political development of modern society. The author proves that the transitions to democracy in the twentieth century accelerated not only the pace of economic development, but also the processes of social polarization in society. Despite the positive impact of democratic institutions on economic development and political stability, democracy as a form of political rule cannot solve the problem of social inequality. The history of modern democracy shows that it reduces inequality levels only in certain cases, and in most cases social inequality increases both at the national and global levels. ; Анализируется долгосрочное влияние демократических институтов на социально-экономическое и политическое развитие современного общества. Автор доказывает, что переход к демократии в ХХ в. ускорил не только темпы экономического развития, но и процессы социального расслоения общества. Несмотря на положительное влияние демократических институтов на экономическое развитие и политическую стабильность, демократия как форма политического господства неспособна решить проблему социального неравенства. История современной демократии свидетельствует о том, что она только в отдельных случаях снижает уровень социального неравенства, а в большинстве случаев повышает его.

The article considers problematic issues of sovereignty and democracy as constitutional values of modern Russia. It is proved that Constitution of the Russian Federation establishes the system of constitutional values reflecting the most important basis of the state and society. Grounds of the constitutional order of the Russian Federation assigned in Chapter 1 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation are a technical aspect of the system of constitutional values. Interaction between constitutional values and national purpose of modern Russian society and state is proved. Basic courses of development of the constitutional axiology are given. ; В статье рассматривается проблематика народного суверенитета и народовластия как конституционных ценностей современной России. Доказывается, что Конституция РФ закладывает систему конституционных ценностей, отражающих наиболее важные устои жизни общества и государства. Формально-юридическим выражением системы конституционных ценностей являются основы конституционного строя Российской Федерации, закрепленные в главе первой Конституции РФ. Обосновывается взаимовлияние конституционных ценностей и национальной идеи современного российского общества и государства. Обозначены основные направления развития конституционной аксиологии.

The paper studies some theoretical issues related to the application of new information technologies and the formation of e-democracy. It explores the major challenges and contradictions of the process. The perspectives on the edemocracy development in Russia are subject to a detailed analysis. ; В статье исследуются теоретические вопросы, связанные с использованием новых информационных технологий и формированием электронной демократии. Анализируются основные проблемы и противоречия. Рассматриваются перспективы становления электронной демократии в России.

The subject. The article is about the peculiarities of referendum and popular initiative which are the main forms and institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland.The purpose of the article is to determine the peculiarities of direct democracy in Switzerland and characterize its main forms: referendum and popular initiative. In order to achieve the objective the following tasks can be defined: 1) to find the origins and identify the variations of forms of direct democracy in Switzerland; 2) to trace the evolution of enshrining on the statutory level of such institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and legislative initiative from the time of their conceiving till the enactment of the actual Constitution; 3) where relevant, to perform a brief comparative analysis of the forms of direct democracy in Switzerland and similar institutions shaped in other countries; 4) to define the role and meaning of referendum and legislative initiative in history as well as in the modern stage of the development of the Swiss State.The methodology of the study includes the use of general scientific methods (description, deduction, induction, analysis and synthesis) together with formal juridical and comparative juridical approach. In addition, throughout the article and, in particular, while working with sources of law, historical approach and systematic approach were practiced. The main results and scope of their application. The article presents the analysis of such forms of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and popular initiative, characterizing each form. The principle of democracy expressed by the practice of referendum and legislative initiative is present in its entirety. No country in the world has come as close to applying direct democracy to national political issues as Switzerland. Since the mid-nineteenth century, when the country's first Federal Constitution was adopted, Switzerland has managed to hold more referendums than all other countries combined in the same time frame.Conclusions. Referendum enables Swiss citizens to dismiss the measures taken by their representatives and the initiative gives the citizens possibility to put laws into practice independently from the legislative powers. Swiss experience vividly demonstrates that used sensibly and taking into consideration national legislative traditions such forms of consulting with the people can be quite promising and efficient for other European countries. ; Анализируются основные формы прямой демократии в Швейцарии: референдум и народная инициатива. Отмечается, что референдум позволяет швейцарским гражданам отклонить меры, принятые их представителями, а инициатива дает гражданам возможность применять законы на практике независимо от законодательной власти. Делается вывод о том, что разумно используемые и учитывающие национальные законодательные традиции такие формы консультаций с народом могут быть весьма эффективными и в других европейских странах.

The relationship between the concepts of «democracy» and «parliamentarianism» is analyzed in the article. A number of approaches to interpreting democracy and parliamentarianism are surveyed. The author specifies the interrelation of these socio-political phenomena and then argues for the special role of democracy in the development of parliamentarianism.Key words: democracy, parliamentarianism, parliamentary representation, principle of separation of powers. ; В статье рассматривается соотношение понятий «демократия» и «парламентаризм». Автор на основе анализа различных подходов в интерпретации демократии и парламентаризма устанавливает взаимосвязь этих двух социально-политических явлений, подчеркивает особую роль демократии в становлении и развитии парламентаризма.

W 2004 roku kraje bałtyckie zostaną pełnoprawnymi członkami Unii Europejskiej. Ich "powrót do Europy" rozpoczął się w 1991, jednakże początkowo, inaczej niż w krajach Europy Środkowej, towarzyszyło mu nasilenie nastrojów nacjonalistycznych związanych z obawami przed utraceniem dopiero co narodzonej niepodległości. W Estonii i na Łotwie lęki te związane były przede wszystkim z obecnością znaczącej mniejszości rosyjskiej, natomiast na Litwie wynikały głównie z podejrzliwości i wrogości nowej prawicowej elity politycznej wobec dawnych komunistów. Litewski ruch narodowościowy był najbardziej radykalnym ruchem w państwach nadbałtyckich.Wynikało to z nacjonalistycznych nastrojów okresu międzywojennego oraz autorytarnych tendencji, których kulminacją był reżim Smetonów. Tendencje takie zaprzeczały idei "powrotu do Europy", nierozerwalnie związanego z pełną demokratyzacją życia politycznego. W celu osiągnięcia pełnej integracji z nową Europą Litwini musieli przezwyciężyć te tendencje swoich elit rządzących, co pozwoliło im wywalczyć niepodległość. Stanowi to w wielu aspektach wyjaśnienie triumfalnego zwycięstwa, jakie w 1992 roku odniosła Demokratyczna Partia Pracy (późniejsza Partia Socjaldemokratyczna), której przewodził dawny komunista, oraz porażki narodowych demokratów (pierwszej z serii demokratycznych zmian u sterów Litwy) będących ważnym krokiem w kierunku stworzenia dojrzałej i stabilnej demokracji wiodącej do Europy.

The article is devoted to formation and development of e-democracy in modern Russian realities. Due to the increasing role of the Internet in political life mechanisms and tools of e-democracy are under consideration as well as new forms of cross-personal communication. Special attention is paid to the political crowdsourcing as a main tool of e-democracy. The given article contains the practice of Russian and foreign crowdsourcing projects. ; Статья посвящена становлению и развитию электронной демократии в современных российских реалиях. В связи с возрастающей ролью Интернета в политической жизни рассматриваются механизмы и инструменты e-democracy, а также новые формы коммуникации граждан. Особое внимание уделено политическому краудсорсингу как основному инструменту электронной демократии. В статье подробно рассмотрена практика применения краудсорсинга в российских и зарубежных политических проектах.

Исследование на уровне методологии и методики развития и взаимосвязи демократии, социального контракта и социального капитала, позволяет выявить их роль и значение в эволюционном развитии России, определить начальные условия дальнейшего нелинейного развития мезо-, макро- и микросоциальных систем на основании присущих им генотипических свойств, а также рассмотреть основные социологические подходы в теории социального контракта. ; The study on the methodological and methodical level the problems of the development and correlation between democracy, social contract and social capital gives the possibility to determinate their role in the evolution of Russia. To determinate the starting conditions of further nonlinear development of mezo, macro and micro social systems on the base of their proper genotypic qualities and to sum up the sociological approach of social contract theory.

Islam in Belgium. Democracy and Caliphate. ; Ислам в Бельгии: демократия или халифат.

This thesis aims at investigating the relationship between citizens' attempts to influence decision-making in a democracy and the representativeness of policy outcome. The question is to what extent the degree of citizen political activity, in terms of expressing policy preferences, affects: 1. The policy agreement between citizens and their elected representatives. 2. The perceptual accuracy of citizen opinions among representatives. It is argued that both policy agreement and perceptual accuracy are potentially important prerequisites to attain responsiveness in a democratic political system. The important normative question of the thesis is based on the fact that citizen's attempts to influence public decision-making often seems to be biased in favour of social groups already rich in resources. If political participation is socially biased the question is if this participation also will cause a bias in the opinions articulated towards decisionmakers and in the end also in a biased political influence. Earlier research on the topic of this thesis has basically been limited to the classical study published by Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie in 1972: Participation in America. Political democracy and social equality. In order to examine this issue further, a survey was conducted in 40 Swedish municipalities. Included was a random sample of citizen from each municipality as well as a sample including all elected councilors in the municipalities. The effects of four different channels of citizen preference articulation is examined 1) participation in local elections, 2) non-electoral political participation, 3) activities and membership in voluntary associations and 4) everyday contacts between citizens and their elected representatives. The results of the empirical analyses show that electoral participation does not have a positive effect on either policy agreement or perceptual accuracy in Swedish municipalities. The main tendency as regards the non-electoral channels of citizen preference articulation indicates a linear and positive effect on the policy agreement between citizens and representatives but no similar positive effect on the perceptual accuracy.

It is necessary to clearly separate the functions of the state from those of the settlement. The definition of "democracy" should not do without the definition of "self-government". A true self-government is an association of owners of the given territory, within the boundaries of the settlement. These owners are to govern in this territory. The government in the person of federal and regional officials should be a defender of one's rights, including the rights of property.The whole system of power, both local and state, should be an infrastructure serving for the citizen. But we do not adhere to the position of self-government as the main principle of power, still keeping to autocracy, its main contraposition. The Constitution of the Russian Federation defines the state as a bearer of law and order, giving the municipalities the right and the obligation to represent the citizens' public interests. So the legislation excludes the direct participation in entrepreneurship for both of them. Violation of this principle inevitably leads to the system corruption. The state official should always remember that he is not appointed to dispose of the property of settlements and individuals as he thinks fit. He should be aware that he is to consider the matters of order. This order, defined by Russian national consciousness as justice, should be supported by the state. And the municipal deputies and officials should remember that they are the executors of the citizens' will. ; Многое в общественной атмосфере нашей страны определяется тем, что мы перед собой и друг другом в той или иной степени лукавим. Это лукавство порождено в том числе и несостоявшимися надеждами на то, что в конце 80-х годов начали величать перестройкой. Часть из нас понимает суть происходящего, но по старой российской привычке боится сказать об этом вслух: кто его знает, как оно дальше пойдёт. На рубеже 80–90-х годов российское общество ринулось управлять государством, не научившись управлять своим домом, кварталом, городом или посёлком. Так сложилось, что строительство новой, демократической России мы начали с крыши, с формирования высших органов государства. Стоит ли удивляться, что, как только изменилось направление ветра, эту крышу начало сносить?

The article deals with the problem of democracy in the United States of America in the XIX Сentury. This problem was connected with A. de Tocqueville and his famous monograph "Democracy in America", published during the presidency of Andrew Jackson in the year of 1835. The main idea of the article is that American democracy was studied by the French author, who made some real models of the development of political system in the USA. ; Настоящая статья посвящена проблеме демократии в Соединенных Штатах Америки в XIX столетии. Эта проблема связана с А. де Токвилем и его знаменитой монографией «Демократия в Америке», опубликованной во время президентства Эндрю Джексона в 1835 г. Основная идея этой статьи состоит в том, что американская демократия была исследована французским автором, который создал реальные модели развития политической системы США.

В статье рассматривается концепт "Демократия", который представлен в текстах разного времени и различных культур.

This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden's theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.