Suchergebnisse

Scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è indagare l'impatto che l'e-democracy sta producendo sull'evoluzione della rappresentanza e della partecipazione politica e, più in generale, sul funzionamento dei sistemi democratici. L'analisi prende le mosse da una ricostruzione dei principali modelli di democrazia che sono stati sperimentati nel corso del tempo, per poi passare ad esaminare il processo di crisi della democrazia rappresentativa e della partecipazione intermediata. In questo contesto si inserisce, con il suo carico di novità, la rivoluzione digitale. Premessa, quindi, una definizione di riferimento della nozione di e-democracy e delineate analogie e differenze con i concetti di e-voting ed e-government, la ricerca analizza le principali applicazioni di democrazia digitale, con il comune obiettivo di comprendere come esse, da angolature differenti e con diversi gradi di intensità, stiano trasformando il legame tra rappresentanti e rappresentati. Oggetto di esame è, anzitutto, la comunicazione politica online, con particolare riferimento alle tecniche di profilazione degli utenti-elettori e al conseguente rischio di manipolazione del consenso. In un secondo momento, l'attenzione si sposta sull'evoluzione che le nuove tecnologie stanno determinando nell'organizzazione dei partiti politici. Successivamente, si analizza l'impatto che la digitalizzazione può determinare sull'esercizio del diritto di voto e sui poteri di iniziativa relativi agli strumenti c.d. di democrazia diretta. Infine, una riflessione è dedicata al tema, posto improvvisamente dalla pandemia da Covid-19, dell'introduzione, in determinate circostanze, di forme di partecipazione e voto da remoto ai lavori parlamentari e, pertanto, della possibilità ed opportunità di immaginare un "Parlamento telematico". ; This doctoral thesis aims to explore the impact of e-democracy on the evolution of representation, political participation and, more generally, the functioning of democratic systems. After giving an overview of the main models of democracy tested over time, the analysis is carried out considering the current crisis of representative democracies and political intermediation. In this setting, the digital revolution arises. Thereafter, a definition of e-democracy is provided and it is compared with the concepts of e-voting and e-government. Then, the research explores the main applications of e-democracy to assess how the relationship between representatives and citizens is changing. Firstly, online political communication is evaluated, focusing on the targeting of social media users and the consequent threats of political manipulation. Secondly, the transformation of political party organization caused by digital revolution is pointed out. Subsequently, the impact of digitalization on voting procedures and direct democracy tools is assessed. Finally, the study focuses on the issue, raised by the COVID-19 pandemic, of introducing, under certain circumstances, electronic remote participation and voting in parliamentary work, in order to reflect on the legitimacy, as well as the opportunity, of a "virtual Parliament".

In January 2007, within the sphere of a convention on documentation possibilities organized by the Roselli Institute of Turin, Roberto Casati and the author illustrated a proposal regarding the creation on the web of a tool for editorial negotiation for the joint drafting of prescriptive texts (and especially of legislative bills). In brief, the proposal foresees the use of a Wiki platform for drafting the text, accompanied by an open archive that is able to collect and make accessible the relevant documentation, and by a CMS (also a simple platform for blog management) for creating information and update pages. The Wiki platform should be enriched with specific aspects for the marking and export of the text in XML format used for the structured editing of legislative texts , through the integration of a network version of some tools of the xmLeges family. The proposal comes from a double consideration In the first place, by now network tools permit an extremely effective long-distance cooperation even with regard to editorial negotiation and the drafting of complex texts. Although not the only resource that can be used in this context, Wiki technology has amply demonstrated in the field – through projects such as Wikipedia – its fundamental soundness for the management of forms of open and extended editorial negotiation; the possibilities of revert (return to a previous draft of the text) and of complete tracing of modifications allow both a diachronic view of the process of editorial negotiation and a reasonably effective management of phenomena such as vandalism; the chance to put a discussion page beside an editorial page guarantees explanation of the motivations at the basis of the modifications proposed to the text.In the second place, in our opinion, the creation of effective forms of shared democracy requires specific attention to the point of documentary management and production, and the consequent availability of tools able to guarantee participants both the required strictness of the process of editorial negotiation (which is in the final analysis a discussional process, of which it is important to be able to explain, share and discuss all stages), and the chance to collect and make available a suitable, opportunely structured documentation. ; In January 2007, within the sphere of a convention on documentation possibilities organized by the Roselli Institute of Turin, Roberto Casati and the author illustrated a proposal regarding the creation on the web of a tool for editorial negotiation for the joint drafting of prescriptive texts (and especially of legislative bills). In brief, the proposal foresees the use of a Wiki platform for drafting the text, accompanied by an open archive that is able to collect and make accessible the relevant documentation, and by a CMS (also a simple platform for blog management) for creating information and update pages. The Wiki platform should be enriched with specific aspects for the marking and export of the text in XML format used for the structured editing of legislative texts , through the integration of a network version of some tools of the xmLeges family. The proposal comes from a double consideration In the first place, by now network tools permit an extremely effective long-distance cooperation even with regard to editorial negotiation and the drafting of complex texts. Although not the only resource that can be used in this context, Wiki technology has amply demonstrated in the field – through projects such as Wikipedia – its fundamental soundness for the management of forms of open and extended editorial negotiation; the possibilities of revert (return to a previous draft of the text) and of complete tracing of modifications allow both a diachronic view of the process of editorial negotiation and a reasonably effective management of phenomena such as vandalism; the chance to put a discussion page beside an editorial page guarantees explanation of the motivations at the basis of the modifications proposed to the text.In the second place, in our opinion, the creation of effective forms of shared democracy requires specific attention to the point of documentary management and production, and the consequent availability of tools able to guarantee participants both the required strictness of the process of editorial negotiation (which is in the final analysis a discussional process, of which it is important to be able to explain, share and discuss all stages), and the chance to collect and make available a suitable, opportunely structured documentation.

La moda è un'istituzione sociale storicamente determinata che alimenta il cambiamento attraverso un turn over in innovazione e novità e che diventa semprepiù pervasiva a seconda dell'entità della quota di popolazione che ha le risorse – siano esse economiche, culturali o sociali – per accedere alla moda stessa. Una forte e decisa spinta all'incremento delle opportunità a tale accesso si è avuta tra la seconda metà dell'Ottocento e la seconda metà del Novecento. Sono già state fornite esaurienti illustrazioni delle cause di ordine economico e sociale che hanno prodotto tali progressi, mentre minore attenzione è stata dedicata alle modalità di interazione tra moda e sistemi politici. Se è vero, come ha affermato Yuniya Kawamura che "In alcune società dove l'ideologia dominante è antipatica al cambiamento e al progresso sociale, la moda non può esistere", allora il secolo compreso tra il 1860 e il 1960, in cui in Europa si sono succeduti governi liberali, regimi socialisti e nazisti, dittature fasciste e, infine, regimi democratici, offre l'opportunitàdi analizzare questo tema in una stimolante prospettiva comparativa.

To be published in the October 2008 issue of 'Bollettino AIB' ; The paper discusses some Italian and international experiences in participative democracy using collaborative web tools for law drafting and for the drafting of policy documents

The article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d'état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey. ; The article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d'état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey.

Between the late '80s and the mid-90s of last century Paul Q. Hirst tried to draw up a proposal for a "third way" different from the one which made the political fortune of Tony Blair. Associative Democracy isn't a systematic political theory. Rather it's a set of institutional proposals inspired by two linked principles, pluralism and autonomy. The first part of the article analyses the pars destruens of Hirst's work. Before the fall of the Wall Hirst stressed either the structural defects of Soviet socialism or the tendency of capitalism to centralize economic power in the hands of a few at the expense of the most. At the same time, the end of the "golden years" made the social-democratic "recipe" unsustainable and inefficient in a Western world economically less affluent, politically unstable, and socially more complex. In the face of these great changes, Hirst proposed to tackle new times using old ideas. According to the forgotten lesson of the English pluralist thought dating back to the beginning of the nineteenth century, Hirst considered association the core institution for contemporary society. Regarding the pars construens of the Associative Democracy, the author tries to critically evaluate the ways Hirst suggested combining traditional representative institutions and intermediate corporate bodies. In Hirst's opinion, the functional and pluralistic criteria should be applied in several fields including local political decision processes, decentralized welfare services, industrial policy. It's an appealing and problematic vision at the same time.

Di fronte ai profondi mutamenti in atto, ha ancora senso parlare di "crisi della rappresentanza parlamentare"? Non siamo piuttosto di fronte ad uno snodo cruciale della storia del nostro sistema istituzionale, che impone di prendere atto della nuova veste che il "rappresentante politico" è chiamato a ricoprire? Il problema – ciclico – della crisi della rappresentanza pone l'esigenza di ripensare le forme tradizionali del modello rappresentativo liberaldemocratico alla luce delle nuove modalità di partecipazione politica della c.d. "società dell'informazione". Il progressivo impiego delle tecnologie dell'informazione, infatti, ha trasformato profondamente l'organizzazione della società ed ha influito sullo stesso circuito della rappresentanza politica, creando nuovi canali di partecipazione democratica, modificando la comunicazione politica ed il processo di formazione dell'opinione pubblica. Il presente lavoro si prefigge l'obiettivo di analizzare l'impatto degli strumenti di e-democracy sulle dinamiche dei moderni sistemi democratici e, in particolare, sulle forme della c.d. democrazia rappresentativa. Sullo sfondo, resta il quesito circa la portata – potenzialmente rivoluzionaria – dei cambiamenti introdotti dalla c.d. "democrazia digitale". Le possibilità offerte dagli strumenti dell'e-democracy fanno nascere la tentazione di meditare il superamento dell'attuale sistema costituzionale – incentrato prevalentemente sulle forme della democrazia rappresentativa – e di inaugurare un'inedita "agorà digitale", riconoscendo più ampio spazio agli strumenti della democrazia diretta e, perfino, immaginando una loro – rinnovata – centralità. In definitiva, l'alternativa che si pone, è se l'e-democracy stia gettando le basi per il decisivo eclissamento della rappresentanza politica o se, piuttosto, costituisca una risorsa a servizio della stessa democrazia rappresentativa, contribuendo a rinnovare i canali tradizionali del circuito rappresentativo, ormai da tempo interessati da una crisi sistemica. ; Faced with the profound changes taking place, does it still make sense to speak of a "crisis of parliamentary representation"? Are we not perhaps facing a crucial juncture in the history of our institutional system, which requires us to take note of the new role that the "political representative" is called to play? The cyclical problem of the crisis of representation raises the need to rethink the traditional forms of the liberal democratic representative model in the light of the new modalities of political participation in the c.d. "Information Society". The progressive use of information technology, in fact, has profoundly transformed the organization of society and has influenced the same circuit of political representation, creating new channels for democratic participation, modifying political communication and the process of forming public opinion. The present work aims to study the impact of electronic democracy on the dynamics of modern democratic systems and, in particular, on the forms of the c.d. representative democracy. In the background, the question remains about the scope - a revolutionary alternative - of the changes introduced by the c.d. "Digital democracy". The possibilities offered by the e-democracy instruments give rise to the temptation to meditate on the overcoming of the current constitutional system - focusing on the forms of representative democracy - and to inaugurate a new "digital agora", recognizing more ample space for the instruments of direct democracy and , even, imagining their - renewed - centrality. Ultimately, the alternative that arises, is if e-democracy is becoming fundamental for the decisive eclipse of political representation, rather, constitutes a resource a service of the same representative democracy, helping to renew the traditional channels of the representative circuit, now for some time affected by a systemic crisis.

The article starts with a brief reconstruction of current legal framework about direct and participatory democracy, as well as practice of decision-making sharing in political parties (think of primary elections and Rousseau platform). Then, it deals with risks of manipulation of consensus and perturbation of traditional model of political parties coming from political digital communication. Finally, it dwells on regulatory solutions passed both by Italian and UE lawmakers, besides some suggestions in a de iure condendo perspective. ; L'articolo opera una sintetica ricostruzione dell'attuale quadro normativo in tema di democrazia diretta e partecipativa, nonché delle più comuni prassi di condivisione delle decisioni interne agli stessi partiti politici (si pensi alle cc.dd. primarie e alla nota piattaforma Rousseau), per poi soffermarsi sui rischi di manipolazione del consenso e di destrutturazione dello stesso modello tradizionale di partito, propri della comunicazione politica digitale. A seguire, esso si sofferma sulle risposte elaborate dal legislatorenazionale e, soprattutto, europeo, insieme ad alcuni spunti in prospettiva de iure condendo.