What is the role of social democratic paradigm in Lithuanian society? In the article a short history of development social democracy policy worldwide is presented, emphasizing the main stages of its history and paying attention to the different present conditions that have particularly changed during the last 30 years under the influence of neoliberal ideas.
What is the role of social democratic paradigm in Lithuanian society? In the article a short history of development social democracy policy worldwide is presented, emphasizing the main stages of its history and paying attention to the different present conditions that have particularly changed during the last 30 years under the influence of neoliberal ideas.
In recent years, the Chilean feminist movement has played an important role in challenging major aspects of national political and economic governance. The question of democracy, approached from a feminist perspective, has once again achieved prominence, particularly in terms of how feminism rethinks the normal course of politics, its spheres of operation, and the nature of its transformations. The theoretical and political proposals of feminism in 1980s Chile, which advocated an alternative form of democratization, have once again become valid. This article analyzes those proposals, focusing on concepts of politics and democracy as expressed by socialist Chilean authors such as Julieta Kirkwood, Adriana Muñoz, and Natacha Molina, revealing the structure of a feminist political theory that has developed its own vision of politics, democracy, and democratization based on academic reflection and socio-political practice and experience. ; En los últimos años el movimiento feminista se articuló como un actor importante que ha cuestionado aspectos sustantivos del régimen político y económico en Chile. La pregunta por la democracia desde el feminismo vuelve a tener un lugar especial, particularmente en relación a las formas en que los feminismos replantean el cauce normal de la política, las esferas de acción y la índole de las transformaciones. En ese sentido, adquieren vigencia las propuestas teórico-políticas del feminismo en Chile de los 80, las cuales propusieron una alternativa de democratización desde el feminismo. Este trabajo analiza estas propuestas, particularmente sobre conceptos como lo político y democrático en autoras asociadas al pensamiento socialista como Julieta Kirkwood, Adriana Muñoz, y Natacha Molina. A partir de este ejercicio analítico se muestra la conformación de un pensamiento teórico político feminista que desarrolló una visión propia sobre la política, la democracia y la democratización a partir de la reflexión en los espacios académicos y de la práctica y experiencia político-social.
This paper is a much revised version of a paper that was presented at El Primer Coloquio Internacional de Economía Política y Pensamiento Económico, Cuba 2005 and Rethinking Marxism 2006, Amherst, Mass. ; Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe. ; Finanncial assistance is acknowledged from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Education and FEDER through grants SEC2003-00306 and SEJ2006-0379, from the Barcelona Economics Program of CREA, from the Generalitat of Catalunya through grant 2005SGR00477, and from Consolider-Ingenio 2010(CSD2006-00016). ; Peer reviewed
The article describes nonformal community education of adults as a powerful means for active person's citizenship position and democracy foundations development.Key words: community education, civic education, civic values, adult nonformal education, human right education. ; Розглянуто неформальну громадську освіту дорослих у США і Канаді як один із засобів формування громадянської культури та основ демократії в країні.Ключові слова: громадська освіта, громадські ініціативи, громадянські цінності, неформальна освіта, освіта дорослих, освіта про права і свободи людини.
Abstract The economy of Kurdistan has been semi-independent for years, while the Baghdad government had decided to devote 17 per cent of the Iraqi budget towards it. Due to this oil revenue, the budget of Iraq as a whole increased rapidly, and this was reflected in the Iraqi Kurdistan budget. However, in April 2015, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) started to make its economy independent from Baghdad through exporting their oil directly. This study examines the implications of an economic boom on the perceptions of government performance in relation to the provision of public services, the development of democracy and government performance in general. The research adopts a survey method (n=224) with responses from adults aged 18 and over. The research findings suggest that the economic boom reflected negatively on the perceptions of the majority of citizens regarding the government's performance. The responses indicate that this was because of the lack of public services rather than the development of democracy by the government. The small number of respondents who held a positive perception regarding the government was due to the belief that the government provided sound security rather than sound economic policy and public services with the development of democracy. The research examined the role of demographic and political background as a control variable, and the results showing that, in particular, age, gender, educational background and political affiliation were significant.
AbstractThe 2019 Anti‐extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong has generated global support on both the narrative side and through material donations. This article compares global support networks organized by Taiwanese and overseas Hong Kongers. Drawing on interview data with 17 Taiwanese and 13 overseas Hong Kongers regarding the reasons, processes and meanings of donation to Hong Kong protesters, we found that even though both groups organized support networks in different ways and have different perceived risks and motivations, they both engage in pro‐democracy activism and consider a shared/imagined political future (vis‐a‐vis China). By examining Hong Konger and Taiwanese support networks, this article applies a concept of connective activism that features a transnational democracy network that is based on shared beliefs, a gradual understanding of each other's experiences, and an imagined political future.
International audience ; The Citizens' Convention on Climate (CCC) gathered 150 people, randomly selected but representing the diversity of French society. Its mandate was to formulate a series of concrete measures aimed to achieve at least a 40% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 (compared to 1990) while preserving social justice. The citizens auditioned experts on various topics from climate to economics and then formulated their own proposals, thus building an effective consensus, beyond individual specific interests. Moreover, proposals formed a coherent whole, and in this regard fare much better than previous attempts to tackle environmental and climate transition through public debates. This methodology shows how citizen science can produce efficient and quality outcomes. This opens new perspectives for democracy on the basis of new interaction channels between law‐makers, professional experts and citizens. This seems to be the approach chosen for the Conference on the Future of Europe as well. Gathering citizens from all EU countries to work on important topics for Europe and Europeans could be a way to build a common vision, and contribute to the creation of a true European common good. Citizens' direct involvement in science and democracy might be one of the keys to meaningfully and thus successfully address their shortcomings.
International audience ; The Citizens' Convention on Climate (CCC) gathered 150 people, randomly selected but representing the diversity of French society. Its mandate was to formulate a series of concrete measures aimed to achieve at least a 40% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 (compared to 1990) while preserving social justice. The citizens auditioned experts on various topics from climate to economics and then formulated their own proposals, thus building an effective consensus, beyond individual specific interests. Moreover, proposals formed a coherent whole, and in this regard fare much better than previous attempts to tackle environmental and climate transition through public debates. This methodology shows how citizen science can produce efficient and quality outcomes. This opens new perspectives for democracy on the basis of new interaction channels between law‐makers, professional experts and citizens. This seems to be the approach chosen for the Conference on the Future of Europe as well. Gathering citizens from all EU countries to work on important topics for Europe and Europeans could be a way to build a common vision, and contribute to the creation of a true European common good. Citizens' direct involvement in science and democracy might be one of the keys to meaningfully and thus successfully address their shortcomings.
International audience ; The Citizens' Convention on Climate (CCC) gathered 150 people, randomly selected but representing the diversity of French society. Its mandate was to formulate a series of concrete measures aimed to achieve at least a 40% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 (compared to 1990) while preserving social justice. The citizens auditioned experts on various topics from climate to economics and then formulated their own proposals, thus building an effective consensus, beyond individual specific interests. Moreover, proposals formed a coherent whole, and in this regard fare much better than previous attempts to tackle environmental and climate transition through public debates. This methodology shows how citizen science can produce efficient and quality outcomes. This opens new perspectives for democracy on the basis of new interaction channels between law‐makers, professional experts and citizens. This seems to be the approach chosen for the Conference on the Future of Europe as well. Gathering citizens from all EU countries to work on important topics for Europe and Europeans could be a way to build a common vision, and contribute to the creation of a true European common good. Citizens' direct involvement in science and democracy might be one of the keys to meaningfully and thus successfully address their shortcomings.
International audience ; The Citizens' Convention on Climate (CCC) gathered 150 people, randomly selected but representing the diversity of French society. Its mandate was to formulate a series of concrete measures aimed to achieve at least a 40% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 (compared to 1990) while preserving social justice. The citizens auditioned experts on various topics from climate to economics and then formulated their own proposals, thus building an effective consensus, beyond individual specific interests. Moreover, proposals formed a coherent whole, and in this regard fare much better than previous attempts to tackle environmental and climate transition through public debates. This methodology shows how citizen science can produce efficient and quality outcomes. This opens new perspectives for democracy on the basis of new interaction channels between law‐makers, professional experts and citizens. This seems to be the approach chosen for the Conference on the Future of Europe as well. Gathering citizens from all EU countries to work on important topics for Europe and Europeans could be a way to build a common vision, and contribute to the creation of a true European common good. Citizens' direct involvement in science and democracy might be one of the keys to meaningfully and thus successfully address their shortcomings.
This article aims to explain the relationship between the student movement, the civil society, democracy and governance in Venezuela. A conceptual and theoretical revision was done regarding the aspects previously mentioned to the selected period. It was found a historical interrelationship between democracy, the student movement and the Venezuelan civil society. The democracy is the construction of consensus and political mayorities. PNUD-OEA (2010). In the Venezuelan case, the different political and social actors expressed the defense of the democratic value since the dictatorship of the past centuryuntil the present. The civil societies are who amplify the public space of the rights and social conscience above them. Grzybowski (2004). It is concluded that the democratic construction requires of the different politic and social actors participation, the interchanging of values, the processes and ideas within the Venezuelan civil society; and in this complex process of the last decade, the student movement and the citizen in general have emphasized on the country governance and democracy rescuing in the country. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo explicar la relación entre movimiento estudiantil, sociedad civil, democracia y gobernabilidad en Venezuela. Se adelanta una revisión conceptual y teórica respecto a los aspectos mencionados para el período seleccionado. La gobernabilidad para este período se explica al encontrarse una interrelación histórica entre democracia, movimiento estudiantil y sociedad civil venezolana. La democracia es la construcción de consensos y mayorías políticas para realizarlos. PNUD-OEA (2010). En el caso venezolano, los distintos actores políticos y sociales que conforman la sociedad civil han expresado la defensa de los valores democráticos desde las dictaduras del siglo pasado hasta la actualidad. Son las sociedades civiles las que amplían el espacio público de los derechos y de la conciencia social sobre éstos. Grzybowski (2004). Se concluye que la construcción democrática requiere de la participación de distintos actores políticos y sociales que intercambien valores, procesos e ideas en el seno de la sociedad civil venezolana; y en este proceso complejo de la última década el movimiento estudiantil y los ciudadanos en general han destacado en el rescate de la gobernabilidad y la democracia en el país.
In this article author intends to offer the way how to measure the degree of inner democracy in Serbian political parties. This could be realized with reference to six indicators as follows: toleration of inner fractions, autonomy of local party representatives, legislation and way of election of party leaders, nomination of candidates for public offices, relation between the party and its parliamentary group and party's horizontal structure. Every indicator is ranged with marks from 1 to 3. Aim of the work is to construct the index suitable for comparation of inner democracy of political parties in the single party system as well as within various party systems. ; Tekst nudi jedan od mogućih načina za merenje nivoa unutrašnje demokratije političkih partija u Srbiji. Nivo unutrašnje demokratije meri se u šest oblasti: tolerisanje unutrašnjih frakcija, autonomija lokalnih ogranaka partija, ovlašćenja i način izbora lidera stranaka, nominacija kandidata za javne položaje, odnos između partije i njene parlamentarne grupe i horizontalna struktura stranaka. Svaka oblast rangira se ocenama od 1 do 3. Cilj teksta je da se konstruiše indeks kojim bi unutrašnja demokratičnost stranaka mogla da se upoređuje među strankama unutar jednog stranačkog sistema, kao i unutar različitih stranačkih sistema.
