Suchergebnisse

When the European Commission launched its public consultation on gender imbalance on corporate boards, the predominant rhetoric was that improving gender balance in corporate leadership would be good for business and bring economic benefits to help member states recover from the economic crisis of 2008. In this policy brief, leading equality law scholar Professor Julie C. Suk traces the evolution of the EU proposal, and argues that it has become increasingly concerned with a more comprehensive gender equality agenda as a means of promoting democratic legitimacy of governance in the European Union. The policy brief charts the opposition to the proposals among member states, spearheaded by the UK, and outlines the conflict between gender quotas and the equal treatment jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice. In the course of the analysis, Professor Suk contends that, rather than promoting women's employment directly, the Directive serves as a symbolically significant step towards democratizing large private institutions that interact with the public, and in turn, the largely undemocratic institutions of the European Union.

By examining the case of Switzerland we observed that direct democracy can help develop a public sphere for diversified populations. The European Union could follow this example to develop a greater feeling of identity and legitimacy of its own. Based on our analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of direct democracy, we suggest an optional legislative referendum be promoted on a European level. We find this preferable to a "constitutional" referendum, to a "constitutional" initiative or to a legislative initiative. It is more in keeping with the hybrid nature of EU institutions, which characteristically lack a true European demos.

Longstanding concerns about the European Union's (EU) quest for democratic legitimacy are ever more acute. Many think such concerns can be best addressed if European institutions would become more effective crisis-managers. Stronger performance supposedly reinforces the EU's democratic credentials. This article rejects such 'output' oriented accounts as specious for assessment of the EU's democratic legitimacy. Drawing on Oakeshott's political theory, we argue that stronger performance addresses the desirability rather than democratic legitimacy of EU governance. We apply this insight as a heuristic device to consider the election of the Commission president and network governance.

Longstanding concerns about the European Union's (EU) quest for democratic legitimacy are ever more acute. Many think such concerns can be best addressed if European institutions would become more effective crisis-managers. Stronger performance supposedly reinforces the EU's democratic credentials. This article rejects such 'output' oriented accounts as specious for assessment of the EU's democratic legitimacy. Drawing on Oakeshott's political theory, we argue that stronger performance addresses the desirability rather than democratic legitimacy of EU governance. We apply this insight as a heuristic device to consider the election of the Commission president and network governance.

This article presents an analysis of the growing role of transnational processes and interaction between political parties, interest groups, non-governmen-tal organisations, and other civil society institutions. The main aim is to discuss the nature of transnational participatory processes, the reasons for their occurrence, and their forms and manifestations and intensity and effectiveness, as well as their con-sequences for the functioning of the EU system with respect to its democratic char-acter. The research problems approached in this article include: 1) the nature of transnational participation, its determinants and the factors affecting its develop-ment; 2) explication of the interrelations between the laws adopted by the European Union and the transnational participatory processes; 3) the increasing social approval for the actions undertaken and the process of integration as a whole – increasing the output legitimacy of the European Union – as a result of the transna-tional participatory processes. ; nie dotyczy ; Marta Witkowska

Este artículo tiene el objetivo principal de analizar la dimension política del Banco Central Europeo en el nuevo modelo de gobernanza económica de la Unión Europea a partir de 2011, focalizando el estudio en tres variable: Su independencia política, su legitimidad democrática y la rendición de cuentas a otras instituciones comunitarias. ; Cet article a pour but d'analyser la dimension politique de la Banque Centrale Européenne dépuis 2011 dans le nouveau modèle de gouvernance économique de l'Union Européenne. L´étude présente trois aspects: Son independance politique, sa légitimité démocratique et sa responsabilité envers d'autres institutions communautaires.

El artículo analiza la democracia colombiana en la década 2002-2011. El argumento central es que Colombia representa un caso de una democracia con déficits, que no alcanza a cubrir las condiciones mínimas de las democracias políticas y se constituye en una subpoliarquía. En esta condición incide de forma directa las deficiencias estatales, en sus dimensiones de coacción y cohesión social. Los déficits democráticos se presentan en las condiciones básicas de la competencia política, con elecciones periódicas, pero no libres ni competitivas ni limpias; en la presencia continuada de fraude y manipulación de los resultados electorales y en la ausencia de garantías para las libertades civiles y políticas. Estas características justifican los diversos adjetivos aplicados a la democracia colombiana, siempre en clave negativa. ; This article analyzes the Colombian democracy in the decade 2002-2011. The central argument is that Colombia is a case of democracy deficits, which does not cover the minimum of political democracies and constitutes a subpoliarchy. In this condition, it directly affects state deficiencies in its dimensions of coercion and social cohesion. Democratic deficits occur in the basic conditions of political competition, with regular elections, though not free, nor fair and competitive elections, in the continued presence of fraud and manipulation of election results, and the absence of guarantees for civil and political liberties. These features justify the various adjectives applied to Colombia, always from a negative perspective. ; O artigo analisa a democracia colombiana na década 2002-2011. O argumento central é que a Colômbia representa um caso de uma democracia com déficits, que não chega a cobrir as condições mínimas das democracias políticas e se constitui em uma subpoliarquia. Nesta condição incidem de forma direta as deficiências estatais, em suas dimensões de coação e coesão social. Os déficits democráticos se apresentam nas condições básicas da competência política, com eleições periódicas, mas não livres, nem competitivas, nem limpas; na presencia continuada de fraude e manipulação dos resultados eleitorais e na ausência de garantias para as liberdades civis e políticas. Estas características justificam os diversos adjetivos aplicados à democracia colombiana, sempre em tom negativo.

El artículo analiza la democracia colombiana en la década 2002-2011. El argumento central es que Colombia representa un caso de una democracia con déficits, que no alcanza a cubrir las condiciones mínimas de las democracias políticas y se constituye en una subpoliarquía. En esta condición incide de forma directa las deficiencias estatales, en sus dimensiones de coacción y cohesión social. Los déficits democráticos se presentan en las condiciones básicas de la competencia política, con elecciones periódicas, pero no libres ni competitivas ni limpias; en la presencia continuada de fraude y manipulación de los resultados electorales y en la ausencia de garantías para las libertades civiles y políticas. Estas características justifican los diversos adjetivos aplicados a la democracia colombiana, siempre en clave negativa. ; O artigo analisa a democracia colombiana na década 2002-2011. O argumento central é que a Colômbia representa um caso de uma democracia com déficits, que não chega a cobrir as condições mínimas das democracias políticas e se constitui em uma subpoliarquia. Nesta condição incidem de forma direta as deficiências estatais, em suas dimensões de coação e coesão social. Os déficits democráticos se apresentam nas condições básicas da competência política, com eleições periódicas, mas não livres, nem competitivas, nem limpas; na presencia continuada de fraude e manipulação dos resultados eleitorais e na ausência de garantias para as liberdades civis e políticas. Estas características justificam os diversos adjetivos aplicados à democracia colombiana, sempre em tom negativo. ; This article analyzes the Colombian democracy in the decade 2002-2011. The central argument is that Colombia is a case of democracy deficits, which does not cover the minimum of political democracies and constitutes a subpoliarchy. In this condition, it directly affects state deficiencies in its dimensions of coercion and social cohesion. Democratic deficits occur in the basic conditions of political competition, with regular elections, though not free, nor fair and competitive elections, in the continued presence of fraud and manipulation of election results, and the absence of guarantees for civil and political liberties. These features justify the various adjectives applied to Colombia, always from a negative perspective.

Politički je sustav Bosne i Hercegovine kompleksan. Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine, kao nominalno najviše zakonodavno-predstavničko tijelo u državi, oslikava tu složenost, ne samo kroz svoj sastav, način funkcioniranja, ovlasti i aktivnosti, nego i kroz ime. Koristeći komparativnu metodu najsličnijih slučajeva i analizu sadržaja, ovaj rad pokazuje da se ambivalentnost koja proizlazi iz imena Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine oslikava i na odnos političkih elita prema građanima, što slabi, odnosno onemogućuje uspješan razvitak društva te dovodi do deficita u demokratskoj praksi političkoga sustava. Uspoređujući bikameralna tijela 37 država, a potom i nekolicinu parlamentarnih skupština koje su uspostavljene u svijetu, rad potvrđuje da su parlamentarne skupštine sastavni dio institucionalnoga okvira međunarodnih organizacija, odnosno da su sastavne jedinice međunarodnoga sustava, unutar kojega djeluju države kao nositelji suverenosti. U nacionalnim državama, gdje suverena volja proizlazi iz pojedinca-građanina, parlamentarne skupštine ne mogu optimalno funkcionirati jer je izvor iz kojega one crpe svoju legitimnost drugačiji. ; The political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex. The Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as nominally the highest legislative-representative body in the state, reflects that complexity, not only through its composition, means of functioning, jurisdictions and activities, but also through its name. By using a comparative method of most similar cases and contents analysis, this paper shows that the ambivalence deriving from the name of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected on the relationship between the political elites and citizens which undermines, i.e. makes impossible, a successful development of society and brings about a deficit in the democratic practises of the political system. Comparing the bicameral bodies of 37 states, and then a few parliamentary assemblies created around the world, the paper confirms that parliamentary assemblies are an integral part of the institutional framework of international organizations, i.e. that they are integral units of the international system within which states act as holders of sovereignty. In national states, where sovereign will comes from the individual citizen, parliamentary assemblies cannot function optimally since the source of their legitimacy is different.

In this paper, the author expresses his concerns over recent trends that have led the Council of Europe to be inconsistent with its own functioning and pillars on which it is based (human rights, democracy and the rule of law). In the first part, the author relates this concern to the excessive bureaucratization and to an inconsistency with the respect for the rule of law in international procedures. The second part illustrates this concern with regrettable episodes (concerning the modification of the rules of procedure or the election of representative bodies) which the Conference of INGOs within the Council of Europe has been involved in. Finally, the author reflects on the need to strengthen the pillars of the Council of Europe by reducing the democratic deficit in its internal functioning. ; El autor expresa en el artículo su inquietud por las tendencias que, en el curso de los últimos años, han llevado al Consejo de Europa a no guardar coherencia en su propio funcionamiento con los tres pilares sobre los que se asienta la Organización (derechos humanos, democracia y Estado de Derecho). En este sentido, en la primera parte el autor relaciona esa preocupación con un exceso de burocratización y una inconsistencia con el respeto del imperio de la ley en los procedimientos internos. A continuación, la segunda parte ilustra dicha preocupación con episodios lamentables (referentes a la modificación del reglamento interno o a la elección de los órganos representativos) en los que se ha visto implicada la Conferencia de las OING en el seno del Consejo de Europa. En fin, el autor reflexiona sobre la necesidad de reforzar los pilares del Consejo de Europa reduciendo el déficit democrático en su funcionamiento interno.

This paper focuses on the distinguishing concern of the discourse of democratic deficit: namely, that there appear to be some striking discrepancies between democratic norms and institutional practice. I argue in this paper that the problem of democratic

This paper focuses on the distinguishing concern of the discourse of democratic deficit: namely, that there appear to be some striking discrepancies between democratic norms and institutional practice. I argue in this paper that the problem of democratic

The European Union is experiencing a moment of profound crisis, one of the many since it was founded. Internally, the rise of populism is calling the pillars of the common project into question; externally, the new fronts that have opened up with the geopolitical and socioeconomic crisis of 2008 and the migrant crisis of 2015 are putting the European institutions' ability to cope with the major issues of globalization to the test. After a period flush with such major achievements as the creation of the Eurozone (with its 19 countries and approximately 350 million inhabitants), the Schengen Area and the enlargement to 28 member states, the approval of the Lisbon Treaty (the EU's first Constitution) and the creation of the European Central Bank, the process of integration has begun to show unmistakable signs of strain. Though there can be no doubt that these achievements have made the European project more concrete—fueling the expectations as well as the criticisms surrounding it—repeated onslaughts such as the 2008 financial meltdown, international terrorism and the recent migrant emergencies have probed the limits of what Europe's institutions can take. Most recently, the threats besetting the Union have come to a head with Brexit, throwing the ongoing crisis into even sharper relief.

This article analyzes the governance of security in Central America as part of the Security Strategy released by SICA in 2011. The article features a critical analysis of the current state of Security and Justice in the region, concluding that current problems are directly related to the structural weakness of the rule of law, which is considered the greatest current threat to the legitimacy of the fragile democracy inthe region. It recognizes that although the region has made progress in coordinating efforts for the regional fight against insecurity, there is an absent debate, which originates in academia and especially in the field of political science, which prevents a comprehensive approach to the problem in terms of democracy and institutional performance. It also highlights the importance of improving regional security governance by incorporating ongoing efforts in the region's Legislative and Judicial branches, as well as in civil society. ; Se analiza la gobernanza de la seguridad en Centroamérica en el marco de la Estrategia de Seguridad lanzada por el SICA en 2011. Realiza un análisis crítico de la situación actual de la Seguridad y la Justicia en la región, concluyendo que sus problemas actuales están directamente relacionados con la debilidad estructural del Estado de Derecho, lo cual se considera la mayor amenaza actual para la legitimidad de la frágil democracia en la región. Se reconoce que si bien la región ha avanzado en los esfuerzos de coordinación para la lucha regional contra la inseguridad, existe un debate ausente, que e origina en el ámbito académico y en especial desde la Ciencia Política, que impide un abordaje integral de la problemática en términos democráticos y de rendimiento institucional. Además se señala la importancia de mejorar la gobernanza de la seguridad regional incorporando a los esfuerzos actuales a los Poderes Legislativos y Judicial, así como a la sociedad civil.

This paper, originally a presentation to the Sydney Democracy Forum, discusses how the current democratic deficit could be converted to a democratic surplus. In particular, attention is focused on an ambitious project which has recently commenced in Australia which will culminate in a grassroots citizens' assembly. One hundred and fifty Australians will be randomly selected from each electorate and will participate in a range of deliberative environments (online and face-to-face), culminating in a four-day citizens' parliament in Sydney. The project is jointly funded by an Australian Research Council-Linkage grant and a not-for-profit organisation, newDemocracy. During the entire process, typical Australians will consider ways in which Australia's political system could be strengthened to better represent the will of the people.