Suchergebnisse

The article examines the possibility of correction of the activity of the political system defined in the framework of the concept of good governance. It is emphasized that for many transformational states of the contemporary world the need for self-restraint of political actors is urgent. The focus is directed on improving the effectiveness of political management through the concept of «good governance». It is noted that in the conditions of democratization the requirements for the transparency of the authorities of its responsibility and adequacy of the decisions made increased. It is argued that in a democratic political process, public experts are beginning to play an increasingly important role. The importance of informatization of the process of civil self-directness is established. The representation of political preferences in political management is analyzed. The role of denationalization and deformation of the processes of political management in the processes of appearance of subjects of political management is explained.Also argued, that the content of the identification of the actors` function of the political management in the countries of political transformations is proved. The incomplete institutional capacity of political players is revealed. The significance of the transformation of modern political management subjects into collective participants in the adoption of strategic decisions is considered.The goal of the article is to identify the actors of political management, which are in the field of influence of the concept and relations «good governance». The task of the article is to identify those functional sectors of political management that are suitable for modernization through the means of «good governance» in transformational democracies.It is proved that an exhaustive interpretation according to which actors of political management must meet the normative requirements framework of good governance as a certain doctrine does not exist. In this case, actors must adhere to certain rules of standards and indicators that are changing in the contemporary world. Therefore, such subjects of political management as party and civic associations may manipulate the governance categories to ensure their reporting on election programs.The opinion presented, that «good governance» in a society of sustainable democracy is a dynamic structure of the assessment of the effectiveness of political management, which is based on current issues in the society main agenda.Revealed, that there is a situation in which institutions of political management should distinguish between the leadership institutions that provide an effective way for modernization and complex reforms. At the present stage, the situation seems to be that the principles of good governance require their communication substantiation and dissemination.A prerequisite for establishing the need for good governance reforms is the relative stability of democratic institutions. In the article established that the criteria for good governance for assessing political institutions are largely based on a certain managerial reality and the achievement of the primary standards of sustainability of democratic governance. They are: the frequency of elections, the legitimacy of the change of government, the availability of rules for political competition, free access of citizens to the decisions of the authorities, developed an independent law-enforcement and media systems. ; В статье исследована возможность коррекции деятельности политической системы, что определяется в рамках концепции надлежащего управления – «good governance». Подчеркивается, что для многих трансформационных государств современного мира насущной потребностью являются самоограничения политических акторов. Сконцентрировано внимание на усовершенствовании эффективности политического управления с помощью концепции «good governance». Отмечается, что в условиях демократизации ужесточились требования к прозрачности власти ее ответственности и адекватности принимаемых решений. Утверждается, что в демократическом политическом процессе все большую роль начинают играть общественные эксперты. Установлено значение информатизации процесса гражданского самовыражения. Проанализировано представительство политических предпочтений в политическом менеджменте. Выяснена роль разгосударствления и деформализации процессов политического управления в процессах появления субъектов политического менеджмента.Доказано содержание функции идентификации субъектов политического менеджмента в странах политических трансформаций. Обоснована неполная институциональная состоятельность политических субъектов. Рассмотрено значение преобразования современных субъектов политического менеджмента в коллективных участников принятия стратегических решений. ; У статті досліджено можливість корекції діяльності політичної системи, що визначається в рамках концепції належного врядування – «good governance». Підкреслюється, що для багатьох трансформаційних держав сучасного світу нагальною є потреба самообмеження політичних акторів. Сконцентровано увагу на удосконаленні ефективності політичного управління за допомогою концепції «good governance». Наголошується, що в умовах демократизації посилилися вимоги до прозорості влади, її відповідальності та адекватності прийнятих рішень. Стверджується, що у демократичному політичному процесі дедалі більшу роль починають відігравати громадські експерти. Встановлено значення інформатизації процесу громадянського самовиразу. Проаналізовано представництво політичних уподобань у політичному менеджменті. З'ясовано роль роздержавлення й деформалізації процесів політичного управління у процесах появи суб'єктів політичного менеджменту.Доведено зміст ідентифікації функції суб'єктів політичного менеджменту у країнах політичних трансформацій. З'ясовано неповну інституційну спроможність політичних гравців. Розглянуто значення перетворення сучасних суб'єктів політичного менеджменту на колективних учасників ухвалення стратегічних рішень.

The theoretical construct and empirical category of a way of life in the measurement of classical and modern sociological theories are considered in the article. For post-Soviet states, the religious complex is important and affects the transformation of the value-normative system of societies, which for a long time were not only secular, but also atheistic. The modern era of social transformations is characterized by the process of desegling, the return of religion not only to the plane of individual, private life, but also to the public sphere, reproducing the social system, which in sociological science became known as «post-secular society». And the processes of globalization, multicultural dialogue, openness of societies, increase of social mobility, free access to information, democratization and liberalization of relations «state-church» give rise to the phenomenon of religious pluralism, which today has a significant influence on the formation of social practices of different groups of the population, and therefore creates conditions for diversification of the style differentiation of society. Therefore, we can say that the religious preferences of modern youth influence the formation of different types of life styles.It is determined that the research of modern sociologists disclose various aspects of behavioral manifestations of the life style as a complex system. It is concluded that the style of life can be understood as complex, more or less consistent patterns of behavior and values that manifest themselves in social interaction, reflect the attitude of the individual to himself, other people and the world, and represent a valuable and actively-active extrapolation of the future. The main determinants of the way of life are value orientations that are formed in accordance with life priorities aimed at achieving them, that is, values, value priorities and orientations act as a component of the way of life of modern youth, determining its essential content. It is substantiated that the religious preferences of modern youth influence the formation of various types of life styles. A sociological analysis of the value dimension of the lifestyle of modern youth in the context of its religious affiliation is carried out. According to the results of the study, it is revealed that for traditional believers the traditional way of life is typical, reflecting the values of the Ukrainian mentality and Christian tradition; for the atheistic is inherent in the style of life of an industrial society with the dominance of postmaterialistic motivation; for young people, has not defined its religious affiliation, its characteristic materially oriented style of life, with a significant manifestation of a hedonistic orientation. ; Рассмотрены теоретический конструкт и эмпирическая категория образа жизни в измерении классических и современных социологических теорий. Определено, что исследования современных социологов раскрывают различные аспекты поведенческих проявлений жизненного стиля как сложной системы. Сделан вывод, что под стилем жизни можно понимать комплексные, более или менее консистентные образцы поведения и ценностных установок, которые проявляются в социальном взаимодействии, отражают отношение индивида к себе, другим людям и миру и представляют ценностную и активно-деятельную экстраполяцию будущего. Основными детерминантами образа жизни выступают ценностные ориентации, которые формируются в соответствии с жизненными приоритетами, направленные на их достижение – то есть ценности, ценностные приоритеты и ориентации выступают как составляющая образа жизни современной молодежи, определяя его сущностное содержание. Обосновано, что религиозные предпочтения современной молодежи влияют на формирование различных типов жизненных стилей. Осуществлен социологический анализ ценностного измерения стиля жизни современной молодежи в контексте ее религиозной принадлежности. По результатам исследования выявлено, что для верующей молодежи характерен традиционный образ жизни, отражающий ценности украинской ментальности и христианской традиции; для атеистической присущ стиль жизни индустриального общества с доминированием постматериалистичной мотивации; для молодежи, которая не определила свою религиозную принадлежность, характерный материально ориентированный стиль жизни со значительным проявлением гедонистической направленности. ; Розглянуто теоретичний конструкт і емпіричну категорію стилю життя у вимірі класичних і сучасних соціологічних теорій. Визначено, що дослідження сучасних соціологів розкривають різні аспекти поведінкових проявів життєвого стилю як складної системи. Зроблено висновок, що під стилем життя можна розуміти комплексні, більш-менш консистентні зразки поведінки і ціннісних установок, які проявляються в соціальній взаємодії, відображають ставлення індивіда до себе, інших людей і світу та представляють ціннісну й активно-діяльну екстраполяцію майбутнього. Основними детермінантами стилю життя виступають ціннісні орієнтації, які формуються відповідно до життєвих пріоритетів, направлені на їх досягнення – тобто цінності, ціннісні пріоритети та орієнтації виступають як складова стилю життя сучасної молоді, визначаючи його сутнісний зміст. Обґрунтовано, що релігійні уподобання сучасної молоді впливають на формування різних типів життєвих стилів. Здійснено соціологічний аналіз ціннісного виміру стилю життя сучасної молоді в контексті її релігійної приналежності. За результатами дослідження виявлено, що для віруючої молоді характерний традиційний стиль життя, що відображає цінності української ментальності і християнської традиції; для атеїстичної притаманний стиль життя індустріального суспільства з домінуванням постматеріалістичної мотивації; для молоді, яка не визначила свою релігійну приналежність, характерний матеріально орієнтований стиль життя із значним проявом гедоністичної спрямованості.

[spa] La presente investigación tiene como objetivo contribuir a la comprensión de los usos políticos del patrimonio en las dinámicas de los nuevos movimientos vecinales patrimonialista surgidos en Chile en los últimos años (2005-2017). Para ello se centra en el estudio del caso del Barrio Yungay de Santiago de Chile —uno de los primeros barrios declarados Zona Típica (categoría de monumento nacional) por demanda de sus propios vecinos y vecinas—, cuyo proceso de patrimonialización se convirtió en un modelo a seguir por las organizaciones vecinales de varios barrios del país. La hipótesis que se maneja dentro de esta tesis, es que el patrimonio está siendo utilizado como una herramienta política reivindicativa por parte de las comunidades locales para promover la cohesión social en el barrio, reclamar ciertos derechos con respecto al acceso a la vivienda, a la diversidad socio-cultural y de clase, detener los procesos de gentrificación, exigir participación vecinal vinculante en los sistemas de gobernanza urbana, etc. La problemática de los usos políticos del patrimonio es un tema que está adquiriendo un interés creciente por parte del ámbito académico en los últimos años. Sin embargo, si bien se han explorado los usos políticos llevados a cabo desde el Estado-Nación y grupos privilegiados como estrategia de gubernamentalidad, pocos autores han profundizado en los usos reivindicativos que grupos minoritarios suelen llevar a cabo (Hernández Ramírez, 2002, 2006; Gómez Ferri, 2004; Smith y Campbell, 2011). La investigación que aquí se presenta establece vínculos entre estos usos reivindicativos y los problemas que afectan hoy en día a las ciudades que siguen un modelo desarrollo neoliberal. Es a raíz de los conflictos presentes en estas ciudades —radicados en la resistencia a políticas de desarrollo urbano hegemónicas; procesos de especulación inmobiliaria; deficiencias en la construcción de equipamientos urbanos; pérdida de derechos sociales; procesos de gentrificación, exclusión y segregación en el territorio, etc.— donde surgen nuevas conceptualizaciones y discursos subalternos de patrimonio generados por los movimientos sociales urbanos: discursos que aún no han sido profundizados en la literatura existente. A través de este estudio de caso, y siguiendo una orientación metodológiga cualitativa con un fuerte sesgo etnográfico, en esta investigación profundizamos en cómo el patrimonio no se trata sólo del pasado, sino también de su negociación y definición en torno a valores e intereses presentes. El comprender desde un ámbito académico como el que nos compete estas nuevas formas subalternas de acercarse al discurso del patrimonio a partir de los conflictos urbanos, implica velar por una democratización del discurso del patrimonio. ; [eng] The objective of this research is to contribute to the understanding of the political uses of heritage in the dynamics of the new patrimonialist neighborhood movements that have emerged in Chile in recent years (2005- 2017). To this end, it focuses on the case study of Santiago de Chile's Yungay Neighborhood —one of the first neighborhoods declared a Typical Zone (category of national monument) by demand of its own neighbors—, whose patrimonialization process became a model to be followed by other organizations in several neighborhoods of the country. The hypothesis handled within this thesis is that heritage is being used as a vindictive political tool by local communities to claim certain rights and demand binding neighborhood participation in urban governance systems. The problem of the political uses of heritage is an issue that has gained increasing interest from academia in recent years. However, although the political uses carried out by the Nation-State and privileged groups have been explored as a governmentality strategy, few authors have delved into the vindicative uses that minority groups usually carry out. The research presented here establishes links between these vindicative uses and the problems affecting cities today that follow a neoliberal development model. It is as a result of the conflicts present in these cities —rooted in resistance to hegemonic urban development policies; processes of real estate speculation; deficiencies in the construction of urban facilities; loss of social rights; processes of gentrification, exclusion and segregation in the territory, etc.— where new conceptualizations and subaltern discourses of heritage generated by urban social movements arise: discourses that have not yet been deepened in the existing literature. Through this case study, and following a qualitative methodological orientation with a strong ethnographic bias, in this research we delve into how heritage is not only about the past, but also about its negotiation and definition around present values and interests. To understand, from an academic perspective such as ours, these new subaltern ways of approaching the discourse of heritage from the point of view of urban conflicts implies ensuring a democratization of the discourse of heritage.

In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.

My paper proposes an agenda for possible dialogues between the southern cone´s recent history and the cold war studies. The recent history field, written mainly by southern cone´s historians, related to the history of the second half of twenty century has focused mainly on the national scenarios of political and social polarization that emerged during the sixties, the authoritarian reaction that installed state terror regimes, and, lastly, the human right struggles for democratization during the eighties. These historical studies have innovated in their historiographical methods, in the ways to conceive the relationship between culture and politics, and also in the understanding of the tensions between historical discourse and public memories. Beyond these innovations these studies seems to be trapped in the national spheres without exchanging on the similarities and circulation of ideas and persons that happened within the region. On the other hand the cold war studies, written mainly in the US, that worked on the region has mainly focused on the impact of the US foreign policies. Although these studies addressed the local dimensions, they mainly focused on the questions related to the role of the US without considering the agency of local actors in this global process. Between these two fields of study there are historical vacuums related to transnational spaces of horizontal circulation of ideas and actors within the region that has been mainly disregarded by both historiographies. Through some historical examples I will suggest ways to intersect both fields of studies in order to enrich the reflection on the Latin-American cold war. ; Mi trabajo propone una agenda para posibles diálogos entre la historia reciente del cono sur y los estudios de la guerra fría. El campo de la historia reciente, escrito principalmente por historiadores del cono sur, relacionado con la historia de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se ha centrado principalmente en los escenarios nacionales de polarización política y social que surgieron durante los años sesenta, Los regímenes y, por último, las luchas por el derecho humano para la democratización durante los años ochenta. Estos estudios históricos han innovado en sus métodos historiográficos, en las formas de concebir la relación entre cultura y política, y también en la comprensión de las tensiones entre el discurso histórico y las memorias públicas. Más allá de estas innovaciones, estos estudios parecen estar atrapados en las esferas nacionales sin intercambiar sobre las similitudes y circulación de ideas y personas que ocurrieron en la región. Por otro lado, los estudios sobre la guerra fría, escritos principalmente en Estados Unidos, que trabajaron en la región, se han centrado principalmente en el impacto de la política exterior estadounidense. Aunque estos estudios abordaron las dimensiones locales, se centraron principalmente en las cuestiones relacionadas con el papel de los Estados Unidos sin considerar la agencia de actores locales en este proceso global. Entre estos dos campos de estudio hay vacíos históricos relacionados con los espacios transnacionales de circulación horizontal de ideas y actores dentro de la región que han sido principalmente ignorados por ambas historiografías. A través de algunos ejemplos históricos sugeriré formas de cruzar ambos campos de estudios para enriquecer la reflexión sobre la guerra fría latinoamericana. ; Meu artigo propõe uma agenda para possíveis diálogos entre a história recente do cone sul e os estudos da guerra fria. O campo histórico recente, escrito principalmente por historiadores do cone sul, relacionado à história da segunda metade do século XX, tem focado principalmente os cenários nacionais de polarização política e social que surgiram nos anos 60, a reação autoritária que instalou o terrorismo de Estado Regimes e, por fim, as lutas pelos direitos humanos para a democratização durante os anos oitenta. Esses estudos históricos têm inovado nos seus métodos historiográficos, nas formas de conceber a relação entre cultura e política, e também na compreensão das tensões entre o discurso histórico e as memórias públicas. Além destas inovações, esses estudos parecem estar presos nas esferas nacionais sem trocar as semelhanças e circulação de ideias e pessoas que aconteceram na região. Por outro lado, os estudos de guerra fria, escritos principalmente nos EUA, que trabalharam na região, concentraram-se principalmente no impacto das políticas externas dos EUA. Embora esses estudos tenham abordado as dimensões locais, eles se concentraram principalmente nas questões relacionadas ao papel dos EUA sem considerar a agência de atores locais nesse processo global. Entre esses dois campos de estudo, há vácuos históricos relacionados a espaços transnacionais de circulação horizontal de ideais e atores dentro da região que tem sido principalmente ignorado por ambas as historiografias. Através de alguns exemplos históricos vou sugerir maneiras de cruzar ambos os campos de estudos, a fim de enriquecer a reflexão sobre a guerra fria latino-americana.

In recent years there has been an increased interest in clarifying the relationship between the evolution of forms, stylistic, communicative features and artistic expression of art and the formation of social trends of popular culture. Playground sculpture is one of the phenomena of artistic practice, which ushered in an era of post-modernism and the commercialization of art.The results of the research support the idea that playground sculpture appeared in the middle of the twentieth century in the form of artistic and decorative sculpture with a new developing sports-play function. It allows children to use the interior of the sculpture as a sports equipment. The first sample of this sculpture belonged to the authorship of the architect and sculptor Egon Möller-Nielsen from Sweden. In the interval between 1949 and 1951 Egon Möller-Nielsen has created three different versions of the playground sculptures, whose appearance marked the birth of the genre of playground sculpture. Sculpture "Tuffsen" was put up in 1949. It was intuitively appealing to child psychology. Considered an art form and function play sculpture merge in this work together. This allows the child to use a variety of sculptural elements in many different ways. The sculpture was cast in artificial stone from a mixture of cement and marble chips. All form elements are rounded and polished. The emergence of the playground sculpture is undoubtedly associated with the availability of concrete, which has the necessary reserve strength and aesthetics to satisfy the artistic image.The idea of playground sculpture by E. Möller-Nielsen was instantly picked up by the tens and hundreds of artists all over the world. Entertainment and the play was the dominant aesthetics of parks and public spaces.Playground sculpture created by Ruslan Sergeev is made in the typical style of the author Biotech. Playground sculpture "Grasshopper" is different in that functionally separate playing modules are made of different materials and introduced into the body sculpture. To create a sculpture of steel structures used, ferrobeton concrete and plastic, the surface is decorated with brightly colored ceramics and plate glass. Decorative redundancy gives the sculpture carnival and festive and pompous attractive. It causes the viewer bright positive emotions, which are so lacking in life. Playground sculpture R. Sergeev is a prime example of postmodern kitsch practice pretentiousness and expansion of the postmodern aesthetic values.Playground sculpture Tom Otterness is made in the style of pop art in bronze. The image of the puppet characters playground sculpture T. Otterness is deliberately simplified and generalized. It reflects the forms that resonate with the traditional folk and modern fairy tale characters. Playground sculpture T. Otterness installed on the territory of the Hamad International Airport in Doha (Qatar). It is equipped with steep chutes, ladders, lifts and ramps. Bronze is an extremely expensive material. The choice of this material is the true manifestation of kitsch, aimed at identifying the social status of the consumer-customer, which is owned by the world's richest country. Playground sculpture as a work of art on display in the form of explicit element expensive entertainment industry.Creating playground sculpture, endowing its play functionality, when the viewer is allowed to penetrate into the interior of the sculpture on the move to invent an open play scenario, use design features shape as a shell game, was a response to the change of paradigm of understanding the function of art, and his works. From a historical point of view, the appearance of the playground sculptures related to the change in the art world, which took place after the World War II, its appearance can be put on a par with the first experiments in the democratization of the arts (pop art, neo-Dada, Pop). Playground sculptures allows viewers to abandon level detached contemplative perception of works of art and go to the level of perception plays a child who could be entertained and have fun in the space of the sculpture, which was a positive response to the absence of the internal sense of the existence of art.The present results are significant in study of the playground sculpture. The sculpture by E. Möller-Nielsen sounded positive idea of modeling the behavior of the game, a symbiosis of static plastic mold sculpture and play dynamics children movement. The sculptural compositions R. Sergeev and T. Otterness to the forefront forms of pluralism and originality, which are the basis of aesthetic paradigms of postmodernism and create an extended range of positive experiences and emotions to spectacle society and consumption. ; У статті на конкретних прикладах ігрової скульптури Е. Мьоллер-Нільсена, Р. Сєргєєва і Т. Оттернесса досліджено розвиток ігрової функції скульптури в контексті становлення естетики постмодернізму. Розглянуто особливості й знакові характеристики пластичної форми скульптури. Охарактеризовано естетичні та функціональні зміни у морфології жанру ігрової скульптури в історичній динаміці формування суспільства споживання. Визначено взаємозв'язок між скульптурними матеріалами та втіленням скульптурної композиції.

The social order of modern highly dynamic society is the order of self-organization. Ability to self-organization is a prerequisite for the viability of highly dynamic systems. All modern societies differ from each other by the degree of self-organization of a social order, which is the higher as the greater the degree of involvement of adult members of society in the development and adoption of decisions binding on all members of society.The development of Ukraine puts forward the problem of establishing a self-organizing social order, which will lead to genuine (not declarative) democracy. The changes, taking place in Ukraine, are denoted by the term «transformation», which characterizes the high degree of non-equilibrium of the system that goes from the old to the new social order, in the absence of more or less distinct outlines of the new one. This state of the system is accompanied by a significant weakening of the influence of social institutions. Sustainable institutional order is impossible. Numerous social orders are established. These social orders are formed and transformed by social practices. Social practice is a form of implementation of the institute. Changing typical behaviors of individuals leads to the transformation of social practices, which does not change the institution, but affects the implementation of its functions.The author focuses on the role of education in the process of establishing self-organizing social order. Education considered as a special social practice, which involves the creation of specific communications and interactions, methods of harmonizing and designing social meanings and actions within which certain habitus as the product of this practice. At the same time, habitus generate practices of individuals and groups.After the A. Reckwitz, author consider educational practice as consisting of the following components and elements: (1) forms of bodily activity, constructed by authority and demonstrating as belonging to the status , and the distance between the status of those who teach and those who study; (2) forms of mental activity (as cognitive practices, cognitive styles of participants educationally process; (3) things and their use as elements of the material component of the educational environment; (4) background and motivational knowledge as types of implicit knowledge; (5) state of emotions as derivatives of ethos (non-material component of the educational environment of an educational institution).Regarding modern Ukrainian society, given its democratization as a process of establishing a self-organizing social order, educational practice should generate habitus of «freedom and creativity» (P. Bourdieu). In connection with such representations, an important question are updated: what changes should be made with components and elements of educational practice in order to transformed habitus (as a result of these changes) produce practices that will form the basis for self-organizing social order?The search for answers to this question determines the direction of further author's scientific activity. ; Осмыслено социетальные изменения, происходящие в современном украинском обществе, и роли образования как их катализатора. Такие изменения рассматриваются как процессы образования и преобразования социального порядка. Социальный порядок современного высокодинамичного общества охарактеризованы как порядок самоорганизации. Подчеркивается, что способность к самоорганизации является необходимым условием жизнеспособности высокодинамических систем. Установлено, что все современные общества отличаются друг от друга степенью самоорганизованности социального порядка, которая тем выше, чем больше степень причастности взрослых дееспособных членов общества к выработке и принятию решений, обязательных для выполнения всеми членами общества. Отмечается, что развитие Украины, как современного общества, выдвигает на первый план проблему установления самоорганизационного социального порядка, что, по мнению автора, приведет к настоящей (не декларативной) демократии. Оценвается роль образования в процессе установления такого порядка. При этом образование рассматривается как особая, социализационная, социальная практика, предусматривающая создание специфических коммуникаций и взаимодействий, способов согласования и оформления социальных смыслов и действий, в рамках которых формируются определенные габитусы, которые необходимы для установления порядка самоорганизации. ; Осмислено соцієтальні зміни, що відбуваються в сучасному українському соціумі, та ролі освіти як їх каталізатора. Такі зміни розглядаються як процеси творення та перетворення соціального порядку. Соціальний порядок сучасного високодинамічного суспільства охарактеризовано як порядок самоорганізації. Зазначено, що здатність до самоорганізації є необхідною умовою життєздатності високодинамічних систем. Встановлено, що всі сучасні суспільства відрізняються одне від одного ступенем самоорганізованості соціального порядку, який є тим вищим, чим більшою є міра причетності дорослих дієздатних членів суспільства до вироблення та прийняття рішень, обов'язкових для виконання всіма членами суспільства. Наголошено, що розвиток України, як одного з сучасних суспільств, висуває на перший план проблему встановлення самоорганізаційного соціального порядку, що, на думку авторки, приведе до справжньої (не декларативної) демократії. Оцінюється роль освіти в процесі встановлення такого порядку. При цьому освіту розглянуто як особливу, соціалізаційну, соціальну практику, що передбачає створення специфічних комунікацій і взаємодій, способів узгодження й оформлення соціальних смислів і дій, у межах яких формуються певні габітуси, яких потребує порядок самоорганізації.

In recent years there has been an increased interest in clarifying the relationship between the evolution of forms, stylistic, communicative features and artistic expression of art and the formation of social trends of popular culture. Playground sculpture is one of the phenomena of artistic practice, which ushered in an era of post-modernism and the commercialization of art.The results of the research support the idea that playground sculpture appeared in the middle of the twentieth century in the form of artistic and decorative sculpture with a new developing sports-play function. It allows children to use the interior of the sculpture as a sports equipment. The first sample of this sculpture belonged to the authorship of the architect and sculptor Egon Möller-Nielsen from Sweden. In the interval between 1949 and 1951 Egon Möller-Nielsen has created three different versions of the playground sculptures, whose appearance marked the birth of the genre of playground sculpture. Sculpture "Tuffsen" was put up in 1949. It was intuitively appealing to child psychology. Considered an art form and function play sculpture merge in this work together. This allows the child to use a variety of sculptural elements in many different ways. The sculpture was cast in artificial stone from a mixture of cement and marble chips. All form elements are rounded and polished. The emergence of the playground sculpture is undoubtedly associated with the availability of concrete, which has the necessary reserve strength and aesthetics to satisfy the artistic image.The idea of playground sculpture by E. Möller-Nielsen was instantly picked up by the tens and hundreds of artists all over the world. Entertainment and the play was the dominant aesthetics of parks and public spaces.Playground sculpture created by Ruslan Sergeev is made in the typical style of the author Biotech. Playground sculpture "Grasshopper" is different in that functionally separate playing modules are made of different materials and introduced into the body sculpture. To create a sculpture of steel structures used, ferrobeton concrete and plastic, the surface is decorated with brightly colored ceramics and plate glass. Decorative redundancy gives the sculpture carnival and festive and pompous attractive. It causes the viewer bright positive emotions, which are so lacking in life. Playground sculpture R. Sergeev is a prime example of postmodern kitsch practice pretentiousness and expansion of the postmodern aesthetic values.Playground sculpture Tom Otterness is made in the style of pop art in bronze. The image of the puppet characters playground sculpture T. Otterness is deliberately simplified and generalized. It reflects the forms that resonate with the traditional folk and modern fairy tale characters. Playground sculpture T. Otterness installed on the territory of the Hamad International Airport in Doha (Qatar). It is equipped with steep chutes, ladders, lifts and ramps. Bronze is an extremely expensive material. The choice of this material is the true manifestation of kitsch, aimed at identifying the social status of the consumer-customer, which is owned by the world's richest country. Playground sculpture as a work of art on display in the form of explicit element expensive entertainment industry.Creating playground sculpture, endowing its play functionality, when the viewer is allowed to penetrate into the interior of the sculpture on the move to invent an open play scenario, use design features shape as a shell game, was a response to the change of paradigm of understanding the function of art, and his works. From a historical point of view, the appearance of the playground sculptures related to the change in the art world, which took place after the World War II, its appearance can be put on a par with the first experiments in the democratization of the arts (pop art, neo-Dada, Pop). Playground sculptures allows viewers to abandon level detached contemplative perception of works of art and go to the level of perception plays a child who could be entertained and have fun in the space of the sculpture, which was a positive response to the absence of the internal sense of the existence of art.The present results are significant in study of the playground sculpture. The sculpture by E. Möller-Nielsen sounded positive idea of modeling the behavior of the game, a symbiosis of static plastic mold sculpture and play dynamics children movement. The sculptural compositions R. Sergeev and T. Otterness to the forefront forms of pluralism and originality, which are the basis of aesthetic paradigms of postmodernism and create an extended range of positive experiences and emotions to spectacle society and consumption. ; У статті на конкретних прикладах ігрової скульптури Е. Мьоллер-Нільсена, Р. Сєргєєва і Т. Оттернесса досліджено розвиток ігрової функції скульптури в контексті становлення естетики постмодернізму. Розглянуто особливості й знакові характеристики пластичної форми скульптури. Охарактеризовано естетичні та функціональні зміни у морфології жанру ігрової скульптури в історичній динаміці формування суспільства споживання. Визначено взаємозв'язок між скульптурними матеріалами та втіленням скульптурної композиції.

De manera general, s'entén que l'europeïtzació és un procés d'adaptació gradual de les polítiques, les institucions o els actors polítics nacionals als reglaments o les normatives de la Unió Europea (UE), freqüentment vinculat a processos de democratització. No obstant això, existeixen aplicacions potencials d'aquest concepte a situacions de crisi en què els agents nacionals tenen poc marge de maniobra. En aquestes ocasions, l'adaptació progressiva pot donar lloc a pressions per a l'aplicació de reglaments i normatives de la UE, i això pot tenir efectes pertorbadors en els sistemes polítics nacionals. Amb aquest article pretenem fer llum en aquests processos a Espanya durant els anys de la gran recessió i avaluar-ne l'impacte en el sistema de partits espanyol. L'objectiu principal d'aquest estudi és, per tant, identificar les etapes fonamentals dels processos d'europeïtzació de la política espanyola durant els anys 2010-2012. En una segona part, s'analitza l'articulació de la resposta a aquests processos per part dels moviments de protesta i, especialment, del partit polític Podem en la seva fase inicial. S'ha emprat el model d'estudi de casos per aprofundir en el context de la política espanyola en temps de crisi. S'han recopilat i analitzat documents oficials d'institucions nacionals de la UE així com diversos discursos de l'esmentat partit polític. Els resultats de l'estudi suggereixen connexions entre els processos d'europeïtzació i els canvis en la competència partidista nacional a Espanya. A més, identifiquen l'europeïtzació a Espanya com a un procés pertorbador que afavoreix l'aparició de discursos antisistema. ; It is a widely held view that Europeanization is a gradual process of adaptation of domestic policies, institutions or political actors to European Union (EU) regulation or norms, frequently linked to democratization processes. There are, however, potential applications of the concept of Europeanization to situations of crisis when domestic agents have little room for manoeuvre; on these occasions, gradual adaptation may turn into pressures to implement EU norms or regulations and this may have disruptive effects on domestic political systems. This paper aims at illuminating these processes in Spain during the years of the Great Recession and evaluating their putative impact on the Spanish party system. The primary concern of this study is, therefore, to identify crucial steps in the processes of Europeanization of Spanish politics during the years 2010-2012; in a second step it analyses the articulation of a response to these processes by protest movements, and especially by the political party Podemos in its initial phase. A case-study approach is used to gain deeper insight into the context of Spanish politics in times of crisis. Official documents of domestic or EU institutions and various speeches of the political party Podemos are collected and examined. The results of this study suggest connections between Europeanization processes and changes in domestic party competition in Spain; additionally, it identifies Europeanization in Spain as a disruptive process favouring the emergence of anti-establishment discourses. ; Se entiende generalmente que la europeización es un proceso gradual de adaptación de las políticas; instituciones o actores políticos nacionales a los reglamentos o normativas de la Unión Europea (UE), frecuentemente vinculado a procesos de democratización. No obstante, existen aplicaciones potenciales del concepto de europeización a situaciones de crisis en las que los agentes nacionales tienen poco margen de maniobra. En estas ocasiones, la adaptación gradual puede dejar paso a presiones para la aplicación de reglamentos y normativas de la UE y esto puede tener efectos perturbadores en los sistemas políticos nacionales. Con este artículo pretendemos arrojar luz sobre estos procesos en España durante los años de la Gran Recesión y evaluar el supuesto impacto en el sistema de partidos español. El principal objetivo de este estudio es, por tanto, identificar las etapas fundamentales de los procesos de europeización de la política española durante los años 2010-2012. En una segunda parte, se analiza la articulación de la respuesta a estos procesos por parte de los movimientos de protesta y, especialmente, del partido político Podemos en su fase inicial. Se ha empleado el modelo de estudio de casos para profundizar en el contexto de la política española en tiempos de crisis. Se han recopilado y analizado documentos oficiales de instituciones nacionales y de la UE, así como diversos discursos del partido político Podemos. Los resultados del estudio sugieren conexiones entre los procesos de europeización y los cambios en la competencia partidista nacional en España. Además, identifica la europeización en España como un proceso perturbador que favorece la aparición de discursos anti-establishment.

Dealing with the colonial history of Hawai'i and California from 1778, this dissertation focuses on the transformation of the Hawaiian custom he'e nalu into a global surf system. This analysis asks if there a break or a continuity of Hawaiian surfing in the 19th century, and what are the terms and conditions of its diffusion as a global surf system in the 21st century. Three investigating methods have been applied: an analysis of traveling literature in Hawai'i, compared with a study of Hawaiian newspapers in the 19th century ; a recording of fifty semi-directed interviews to grasp issues related to appropriating surfing in California after 1945 ; and a multi-sited participant observation for thirty months in Hawai'i and California, between 2009 and 2016, to found out about the contemporary historicization of surfing. Three main conclusions emerged from this data analysis. First, the introduction of Hawai'i in the world system in the 19th century fostered the birth of a Hawaiian national identity, that reaffirmed traditional customs, such as surfing. Then, with the advent of seaside tourism in the 20th century, Hawai'i became a touristic model, based on staging surfing and its appropriation by the West. To this regard, Waikīkī is a popular case study, and its development pattern has been reproduced in Californian cities, such as Huntington Beach. Eventually, from the 1950s, surfing has been exported to the world, thanks to the growth of its subculture and professional sport, mass media, and the democratization of seaside tourism. ; À partir de l'histoire coloniale des Hawai'i et des États-Unis en 1778, cette thèse traite de la transformation de la coutume hawaïenne he'e nalu en un système surf mondial. Le travail analyse les modalités de diffusion et de réappropriation de la culture hawaïenne vers l'Occident, et s'interroge sur les structures politiques, économiques, et idéologiques qui ont permis la métamorphose d'une pratique autochtone en un sport pratiqué par trente millions de personnes dans plus d'une centaine de pays. La plupart des travaux sur le sujet ont souvent déconnecté le surf moderne de ses racines indigènes. Or un récent courant de pensée défend l'existence d'une continuité culturelle, et notre problématique tente de dépasser ces deux théories contradictoires. En quoi y a-t-il rupture et continuité du surf hawaïen au XIXe siècle, et quelles sont les modalités de sa transformation en un système global surf au XXIe siècle ? Au regard de la portée généalogique de cette thèse, trois méthodes d'investigation qualitatives ont été retenues. Premièrement, un travail d'archive a été effectué sur les XIXe et et XXe siècles, reposant sur l'analyse comparative des journaux de bords des voyageurs vers l'archipel des Hawai'i avec la presse hawaïenne. Deuxièmement, cinquante entretiens semi-directifs ont été conduits aux Hawai'i et en Californie, auprès d'acteurs politiques et économiques, pour saisir les enjeux de la réappropriation étatsunienne du surf après 1945. Troisièmement, une observation participante multi-site de trente mois à Honolulu, Huntington Beach et San Diego a été réalisée entre 2009 et 2016, afin de dégager les modalités contemporaines de l'historicisation de cette tradition indigène. En traitant de l'histoire coloniale des Hawai'i et de la Californie à partir de 1778, cette thèse étudie la transformation de la coutume hawaïenne he'e nalu en un système surf mondial. L'analyse se demande s'il y a eu rupture ou continuité du surf hawaïen au XIXe siècle, et quelles ont été les modalités de sa diffusion en tant que système mondial surf au XXIe siècle. Pour répondre à ce problème, ce travail a retenu trois méthodes d'investigations : une analyse comparative des journaux de bords des voyageurs vers l'archipel des Hawai'i avec la presse hawaïenne au XIXe siècle ; la conduite de cinquante entretiens semi-directifs, pour saisir les enjeux de l'appropriation californienne du surf après 1945 ; et une observation participante multi-site de trente mois aux Hawai'i et en Californie, entre 2009 et 2016, afin de dégager les modalités contemporaines de l'historicisation du surf. Au final, trois conclusions principales ont été dégagées à partir de ces données. D'abord, l'introduction des Hawai'i dans le système monde au XIXe siècle a dynamisé la naissance d'une identité nationale autochtone, qui a réaffirmé les coutumes traditionnelles, comme le surf. Ensuite, avec l'avènement du tourisme balnéaire au XXe siècle, les Hawai'i se sont imposés comme un modèle touristique, reposant sur la mise en scène et l'appropriation occidentale du surf. À cet égard, Waikīkī est un cas d'école, et son schéma de développement s'est reproduit en Californie, comme à Huntington Beach. Enfin, à partir des années 1950, le surf s'est exporté dans le monde grâce à l'émergence de sa subculture et de son sport professionnel, aux médias de masse, et à la démocratisation du tourisme balnéaire.

Political Economy of Knowledge implies the analysis of the production of knowledge and the role of actors, policies and programs which influenced higher education development during the developmentlism (1970's), neoliberalism (1990's), and the current period of transformation for higher education in the Global South. Ecuador and Tanzania share postcolonial histories and dependent economies that have given their universities prominent roles in the construction of their respective states, societies and national economies. Just as classrooms and studies at the Central University of Ecuador, the University of Dar-es-Salaam became a key player in the democratization of the country (Campuzano, 2005; Lulat, 2005). In the 1960s and 1970s, during the euphoric period following the Cuban Revolution and the independence of many African countries, universities in Latin America and Africa committed themselves to the struggles against political and social inequalities and strengthened their ties to popular sectors. These conditions have changed through next decades. From the standpoint of political economy, this research provides background for analyzing higher education in the context of the historical conditions in which capitalist accumulation and inequality have occurred at the global level. It also discusses the trajectory of the relationships among universities, politics and knowledge in Latin America and Africa, with special emphasis on Ecuador and Tanzania. The field work done at two rural universities, one in Ecuador and one in Tanzania. On the basis of work with documents and the positioning of various stakeholders (leaders, activists in social and educational movements, professors, politicians), the analysis makes it possible to understand the articulation between the production of knowledge within the universities and the shifts in designing educational plans within the frameworks of political disputes and the correlation of forces within the framework of globalization. We examine the 1960s to the 1980s, as Ecuadorian universities engaged with agrarian problems and professionalization, while higher education in Tanzania in that period aimed to serve development in the newly independent nation. We look, in particular, at the establishment of research and teaching agendas for the provincial public universities of the State University of Bolivar in Ecuador and Mzumbe University in Tanzania, to understand the ways that these peripheral instititutions defined and legitimized local knowledge in the context of national and global transformations. This research algo examine, the political economy of higher education in these two countries towards the end of the 20th century and into the 21st century. We analyze, on the one hand, the selected universities' distinct local responses to the impacts of structural adjustment. In this section we also look at the ways that these universities have responded to the globalization of education in the 21st century, focusing on the importance of social sciences in the reconstruction of the State in the 20th century, in the context of a globalized economy. ; THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF KNOWLEDGE IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH: THE CASES OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN ECUADOR AND TANZANIA1 TABLE OF CONTENTS1 IN LATIN AMERICA AND AFRICA3 CHAPTER I CAPITALIST ACCUMULATION AND INSTITUTIONS OF KNOWLEDGE7 A.Politics, economics and knowledge in the history of universities in Latin America and Ecuador15 B.Politics, economics and knowledge in the history of universities in Africa and Tanzania20 CHAPTER II UNIVERSITIES AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SOUTH: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF BOLIVAR IN ECUADOR AND MZUMBE UNIVERSITY IN TANZANIA27 A.The 1970s and 1980s in Ecuador: Universities at the intersection of academic and political networks and policies in the face of State modernization…29 1.Universities, development and professionalization in Ecuador… ……29 2.A peripheral scenario within the periphery: the city of Guaranda…34 3.The State University of Bolivar: Higher education in the face of colonial features, agrarian problems and regional elites36 B.The first decades of independence: Ujamaa and education for autonomy49 1.Tanzania and African socialism49 2.The "developmental university" model at the service of African sovereignty.52 3.From the colonial British Local Government School to the Institute of Development Management of the University of Dar es Salaam57 CHAPTER III FROM THE CRISES OF THE LAST DECADES OF THE 20TH CENTURY TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION61 A. University responses to national contexts of structural adjustments61 1.Ecuador: Massification, privatization of higher education and cultural spaces for the epistemic proposal of the UEB's School of Andean Culture and Education (EECA)61 2.Tanzania: Universities as a luxury and the introduction of more technical knowledge production at Mzumbe University in the 1980s and early 1990s75 B. The social sciences and reconstruction of the State at the turn of the century82 1. University reforms in Ecuador and the pursuit of State presence in the country's isolated center83 2. International influences on administrative and university reforms in Tanzania86 3.The establishment of Mzumbe University and the creation of social sciences at the service of Morogoro92 C.In Closing99 BIBLIOGRAPHY100

Іnformation and communicative technologies, the processes of globalization related to them actualized the problemof direct realization of power citizens, that became the sign of time not only in the developed countries of the worldbut also in Ukraine. The supporters of direct democracy bind subsequent development of society to deepening of directdemocracy. These moods are consonant with the revisions of representatives of scientific public. Theoretical works inwhich possibility of transformation of the existent representative system is grounded in the system of direct folk rule goout exactly on verge of ages.In this connection it is important to understand, what prospects of development of direct democracy open achievementof modern civil society. Actually did they add direct democracy such mighty impulse, that it is possible in earnest to talkabout transformation of the political and legal systems of the modern democratic states, in the system of direct democracy?From an answer for this question in a great deal making of going depends near the decision of such issues of the day of contemporaneity,as problems of organization of public power, development of the system of constitutional legislation but otherWithin the limits of critical comprehension of potential of direct democracy as basis of democratization of globalpolitical process (carried out within the framework of theoretical and methodological approaches of normative theory ofdemocracy and theory of political participation) a minimalism, essence of which in consideration of democracy as to themean of collective decision of problems, to which it costs to befit from position of concentration of attention, becomesfirmly established the family, mainly on democratic procedures and taking into account minimum ability of both democracyof participation and democracy of political discussion of the real transformation of political interests of participants ofpolitical process and the same to influence on acceptance of political decisions in relation to the problems of local, nationaland global levels. Being attracted in the newest debates about ideals and realities of democratic process, in thespirit of minimalism comprehends him And. Yang, which came forward from position of critical approach to the traditionalunderstanding of ideal of and participating in a political process.A conceptual comprehension of problem of globalization of civil society in the modern world is important preconditionof forming of democratic global political process which includes the wide spectrum of modern actors of worldwidepolicy. Within the limits of political registration of globalization in the river-bed of democracy terms are created foropposition strengthening of authoritarian totalitarian tendencies in the objective processes of internationally political registrationof globalization with its concentration on power forms and methods of providing of safety in a fight against terrorism, transcontinental criminality, international migration at intergovernmental level. At all of necessity of application ofviolent methods of fight against terrorism violence does not give the guarantee of victory none of sides. In this understandingdemocratization of global political process and international relations comes forward so far the unique alternativeto global authoritarianism in a worldwide policy.In the XXI item Ukraine, as well as other countries, ran into intercivilization problems, which go out on the prosceniumof worldwide policy and touch the most deep cultural, valued bases of existence of nation, state. A civilization choice ofUkraine is its self-determination in the co-ordinates of postindustrial civilization with the lines of opposition and conflicts. ; В рамках критического осмысления потенциала прямой демократии как основы демократизации глобального политического процесса (осуществляемого в рамках теоретико-методологических подходов нормативной теории демократии и теории политического участия) утверждается своего рода минимализм, суть которого в рассмотрении демократии как средства коллективного решения проблем, к которому стоит подходить с позиции концентрации внимания преимущественно на демократических процедурах и с учетом минимальной способности как демократии участия, так и демократии политического обсуждения реальной трансформации политических интересов участников политического процесса. Отмечается, что важно понять, каковы перспективы развития прямой демократии открывают достижения современного гражданского общества, добавили ли они прямой демократии такой мощный импульс, что можно говорить о трансформации политико-правовых систем современных демократических государств в систему прямого народовластия. ; У межах критичного осмислення потенціалу прямої демократії як основи демократизації глобального політичного процесу (здійснюваного в рамках теоретико-методологічних підходів нормативної теорії демократії й теорії політичної участі) стверджується свого роду мінімалізм, суть якого в розгляді демократії як засобу колективного розв'язання проблем, до якого варто підходити з позиції концентрації уваги переважно на демократичних процедурах і з урахуванням мінімальної здатності як демократії участі, так і демократії політичного обговорення реальної трансформації політичних інтересів учасників політичного процесу. Наголошується, що важливо зрозуміти, які перспективи розвитку прямої демократії відкривають досягнення сучасного громадянського суспільства, чи додали вони прямій демократії такий могутній імпульс, що можна говорити про трансформацію політико-правовихсистем сучасних демократичних держав у систему прямого народовладдя.

Why are some negotiated settlements successful at resolving intrastate conflict, while others fail? Are settlements involving agreement to share power more effective and, if so, why have conclusions about power sharing been so mixed? I theorize in this project that power-sharing guarantees improve the prospects for a peaceful settlement by reducing the stakes of winning post-conflict elections, thereby increasing the likelihood that rebels will willingly demobilize. Contrary to the preeminent model of bargaining for peace in the literature, I posit that the costs of complying with a negotiated settlement are asymmetrical. For rebels, compliance means forfeiting military capacity and bargaining power. In contrast, the government never concedes its monopoly on the use of force and, therefore, always retains the option of resorting to military action. Given this, and the risk of competing against an entrenched incumbent with an electoral advantage, it is a rational strategy for rebels to resist demobilization until expectations of future benefits are sufficiently high. Power-sharing reforms can help to increase the perceived value of the payoff to rebel elites, thereby increasing willingness to demobilize, but only when they are designed to outlast elections. Institutions that expire after a transitional period, such as coalitions and governments of national unity, fail to redress the incumbency advantage or to reduce the importance of winning post-conflict elections outright, heightening incentives for rebels to preemptively defect.The logic of my theory of preemptive defection explains why rebels would be willing to trade military capacity for long-term power sharing, and it also acknowledges the potential for rebel splintering after a settlement is signed. In the absence of power-sharing guarantees, certain elements of the rebel leadership might still be able to secure a deal that is personally beneficial. As this process of selective cooptation reveals winners and losers during the implementation period, disgruntled rebel elites have an incentive to defect unilaterally, and the likelihood of conflict recurrence is determined by their capacity to access the resources of war. Specifically, my work shows that splintering is enabled by two factors. First, the failure to sign an all-inclusive settlement means that excluded groups are more willing to form an alliance in order to facilitate continued conflict. Second, governments with a reputation for defecting on their peace agreements are easy targets for rebel leaders hoping to mobilize defection from within their own ranks.Empirically, this project relies on a nested design. It starts with new data collection on 138 negotiated settlements to domestic armed conflict signed between 1975 and 2005. I coded each settlement for its inclusion of power-sharing provisions, with specific attention to different types of power sharing and the distinction between permanent and transitional guarantees. A binomial logistic regression analysis of conflict termination reveals strong support for the central expectations of this study. Settlements that include provisions for permanent power sharing are significantly more likely to result in peace, all else equal, while transitional arrangements have no effect. I then selected a best-fit case exhibiting change over time in order to examine the underlying mechanisms at work. Through extensive field research in Uganda, including interviews with rebel and government representatives and archival and secondary research, I sought to understand why members of the insurgent party eventually rejected four of the five settlements signed, and what conditions allowed them to continue fighting for a more favorable bargain.My research indicates that settlements are more likely to succeed in resolving conflict where they include provisions for power sharing over the long term. Such guarantees increase the willingness of rebels to surrender their weapons, and they create more diffuse benefits and long-term time horizons throughout the leadership, which reduce the potential for splintering. These findings offer a number of contributions to the literature on conflict resolution and post-conflict power sharing. Most importantly, they show that including permanent and transitional formulas under the same umbrella concept have led to faulty and contradictory conclusions about the effectiveness of power sharing. In addition, by disaggregating the way that the benefits of a settlement are perceived across the rebel elite, this project helps to explain why many are signed that have few prospects of success, and it provides lessons for identifying such bargains before they can degenerate into renewed conflict. Finally, the theory departs from the common focus on coercive third-party enforcement of peace agreements by emphasizing the rationality of rebel decisions to comply or defect and showing that settlements are most effective where insurgents prefer compliance—namely, where the benefits offered outweigh the costs of both continued fighting and democratization. This suggests a different role for the international community in peace processes, specifically in disseminating new norms and strategies for engineering institutions, rather than investing in costly peacekeeping missions.

The study communication processes within modern political parties is impossible without establishing the basic principles of the party. Throughout the history of political parties of their organizational structure has undergone great changes. In modern developed democratic countries, political party structure consists of a number of different interest groups and pressure.Despite the common association ideological, social and political objectives and interests of these groups within the political parties are trying to fiht and compete for leadership in the policy-making process.The most important internal feature of modern political parties is forming the system of coordination of interests within the party. First of all this is achieved by creating a system of communication interaction interest groups, the party elite and counter-elite. The relationship between these elements of the party depends largely on the existing system of party discipline, party ethics and the existing hierarchical system of interaction between the party leadership and «ordinary» members of the party, between central hierarchical structures of the party and the local, between party members included in the various parliamentary and governmental and nonparliamentary groups within the party and so on.Ensure optimal form of inner communication is the formation of interest groups Institute of party democracy. In most developed countries, certain elements of party democracy established by law. Similar rules exist in the legislation of Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Albania, Andorra, Armenia, France, Romania, Czech Republic and Portugal. Internal party democracy is not threatened by party discipline and intervention of public authorities in the hierarchical and organizational features of inner communication. A clear manifestation of internal party democratization process of interaction is the introduction of «primaries» (internal party elections). This allows you to adjust the relationship between interest groups within political parties without increased competition for leadership and possible negative consequences (such as the collapse of the party). ; Исследование коммуникационных процессов внутри современных политических партий невозможно без установления основных принципов организации партии.На протяжении истории развития политических партий их организационная структура претерпела большие изменения. В современных развитых демократических странах структура политической партии состоит из определенного количества различных группинтересов и давления. Несмотря на объединенность совместными идеологическим, соцальным и политическими целями и интересами, эти группы внутри политической партии пытаются бороться за лидерство и конкурируют в процессе принятия политических решений.Важнейшей внутренней функцией современной политической партии является формирование системы согласования интересов внутри партии. Прежде всего это достигается с помощью создания системы коммуникационного взаимодействия групп интересов, партийной элиты и контрэлиты. Взаимоотношения между этими элементами полтической партии во многом зависит от сложившейся системы партийной дисциплины, партийной этики и существующей иерархической системы взаимодействия между партийной верхушкой и «рядовыми» членами партии, между центральными иерархическими структурами партии и местными, между членами партии, которые входят в различные парламентские и правительственные структуры и внепарламентскими группами внутри партии и др.Оптимальной формой обеспечения внутрипартийной коммуникации групп интересов является становление института партийной демократии. В большинстве развитых стран определенные элементы партийной демократии устанавливаются на законодательном уровне. Подобные нормы существуют в законодательстве Германии, Италии Испании, Греции, Албании, Андорры, Армении, Франции, Румынии, Чехии, Португалии. Внутрипартийная демократия не угрожает партийной дисциплине и вмешательству государственных органов власти в иерархические и организационные особенности внутрипартийной коммуникации. Ярким проявлением процесса демократизации внутрипартийного взаимодействия является внедрение «праймериз» (внутрипартийных выборов).Это позволяет регулировать взаимоотношения групп интересов внутри политических партий без обострения конкурентной борьбы за лидерство и возможных негативных последствий (например, распада партии). ; Дослідження комунікаційних процесів всередині сучасних політичнихпартій неможливе без встановлення основних принципів організації партії. Протягомісторії розвитку політичних партій їх організаційна структура зазнала великих змін. Всучасних розвинених демократичних країнах структура політичної партії складаєтьсяз певної кількості різноманітних груп інтересів та тиску. Незважаючи на об'єднаністьспільними ідеологічним, соціальними та політичними цілями і інтересами ці гру -пи всередині політичної партії намагаються боротися за лідерство та конкурують впроцесі прийняття політичних рішень.Найважливішою внутрішньою функцією сучасної політичної партії є формуваннясистеми узгодження інтересів всередині партії. Перш за все це досягається за допо -могою створення системи комунікаційної взаємодії груп інтересів, партійної еліти таконтреліти. Взаємовідносини між цими елементами політичної партії багато в чомузалежить від сформованої системи партійної дисципліни, партійної етики та існуючоїієрархічної системи взаємодії між партійної верхівкою та «рядовими» членами партії,між центральними ієрархічними структурами партії та місцевими, між членами партії,які входять до різноманітних парламентських та урядових структур та позапарла -ментськими групами всередині партії та ін.Оптимальною формою забезпечення внутріпартійної комунікації груп інтересів є ста -новлення інституту партійної демократії. В більшості розвинених країн певні елементипартійної демократії встановлюються на законодавчому рівні. Подібні норми існуютьв законодавстві Німеччини, Італії, Іспанії, Греції, Албанії, Андорри, Вірменії, Франції,Румунії, Чехії, Португалії. Внутрішньопартійна демократія не загрожує партійнійдисципліні та втручанню державних органів влади в ієрархічні та організаційніособливості внутріпартійної комунікації. Яскравим проявом процесу демократизаціївнутрішньопартійної взаємодії є впровадження «праймеріз» (внутрішньопартійнихвиборів). Це дозволяє регулювати взаємовідносини груп інтересів всередині політичнихпартій без загострення конкурентної боротьби за лідерство та можливих негативнихнаслідків (наприклад, розпаду партії).

Актуальность и цели. В современной России происходит рост социальной активности религиозных объединений и верующих. Очевидна необходимость совершенствования концепции отношений государства с различными конфессиями для обеспечения стабильности современной религиозной ситуации. Цель работы проанализировать факторы влияния на государственно-конфессиональную политику в 1985-1988 гг., выявить внутренние и внешние причины ее поворота, изучить роль партийных и государственных органов в определении курса данной политики. Материалы и методы. Реализация исследовательских задач была достигнута на основе использования документов из фондов Российского государственного архива новейшей истории, Государственного архива Российской Федерации, в частности фондов специального хранения, к которым доступ исследователей ограничен. Особое место занимают документы ЦК КПСС и Совета по делам религий при Совете Министров СССР. Методологическую основу исследования составляет принцип историзма, позволяющий проанализировать динамику взаимоотношений советского государства и религиозных обществ в указанный период. В работе были также использованы как общенаучные, так и специально-исторические методы. Структурно-системный метод применялся при изучении системы партийно-государственных органов, осуществлявших государственно-конфессиональную политику советского государства. Статистический метод был необходим для выявления и фиксирования количественных изменений, например, численности религиозных объединений. Диахронный метод позволил анализировать процессы и явления религиозной жизни в исторической последовательности на общеисторическом фоне. Синхронный метод помог установить причинно-следственные связи между событиями и явлениями, одновременно происходившими не только в религиозной сфере, но и в экономике, внутренней и внешней политике, социальных отношениях. Результаты. Исследован комплекс причин поворота государственно-конфессиональной политики в 1985-1988 гг.: усиление напряженности религиозной ситуации на фоне демократизации политической системы и гласности, распространение деструктивных националистических тенденций в регионах традиционного униатства и ислама, структурные сдвиги в соотношении различных вероисповеданий в пользу католического и протестантского направления, активная позиция духовенства и верующих, идеологическое противостояние с Западом. Выводы. В годы перестройки М. С. Горбачева, в преддверии празднования Тысячелетия крещения Руси изменилась концепция государственно-конфессиональных отношений, осуществился поворот государства к диалогу с верующими и сотрудничеству с религиозными объединениями. Особую роль в подготовке поворота общества и государства к конструктивному диалогу с верующими сыграл Совет по делам религий, аналитическая деятельность которого показала политическому руководству объективную картину религиозной ситуации в стране. ; Background. There is a growth of social activity of religious organizations and believers in modern Russia. It is obvious that there is a need to improve the relations of the state with the concept of different faiths to ensure the stability of the current religious situation. The purpose of the article is to analyze the factors of influence on the church-state policy in the period from 1985 to 1988, to identify the internal and external reasons for its turn, to examine the role of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and state organs in determining the course of the policy. Materials and methods. The research tasks were implemented through the use of documents from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the State Archive of the Russian Federation and, in particular, a special fund of storage, access to which is limited to researchers. A special place is occupied by the documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council on Religious Affairs under the the USSR Council of Ministers. The methodology of the study is based on the principle of historicism, which allows to analyze the dynamics of the relationship of the Soviet state and the religious communities in this period. The research also used many of general scientific and special historical methods. The structural and system method was used in the study of the party and government bodies responsible for the state-religious policy of the Soviet state. The statistical method was needed to identify and fix the quantitative changes, such as the number of religious associations. The diachronic method allowed analysis of processes and phenomena of religious life in the historical sequence in the general historical background. The synchronous method helped to establish causal relationships between events and phenomena occuring simultaneously not only in the religious sphere, but also in the economy, domestic and foreign policy, social relations. Results. The authors studied a complex of reasons for turning the state-religious policy in the period from 1985 to 1988: increased tension on the background of the religious situation of democratization of the political system and society, the spread of destructive nationalist tendencies in the regions of traditional Islam and the Uniate Church, structural shifts in the ratio of different faiths in favor of the Catholic and Protestant, the active position of the clergy and the faithful, the ideological confrontation with the West. Conclusions. In the years of Gorbachev's perestroika, specifically in the eve of the millennium of Christianity in Russia, the concept of church-state relations changed with turning the state to engagement in a dialogue with believers and cooperation with religious associations. The Council for Religious Affairs played a special role in preparation of the state's and society's turn to a constructive dialogue with the faithful people. Its analytical work showed an objective picture of the religious situation in the country to the political leadership.