Comparative Democracy and Democratization
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 158-161
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In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 158-161
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 213-218
This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.
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Narančasta revolucija u Ukrajini 2004. godine za prozapadno i prodemokratski orijentirane građane i Zapad tada je tumačena kao pobjeda demokracije u toj zemlji. Proruski orijentirano stanovništvo i Rusija predstavljali su je kao državni udar. Ovaj se rad bavi značenjem Narančaste revolucije za demokratizaciju Ukrajine. O stupnju realizacije njenih ciljeva govori se kroz prikaz izbornih događaja iz 2004,. naknadnih promjena vlasti i Druge revolucije. Posebna se pozornost poklanja političkom djelovanju Viktora Juščenka, Julije Timošenko i Viktora Janukoviča kao vođa političkih stranaka koje su najzaslužnije za provođenje ili odmak od ideja o demokratizaciji Ukrajine kojima je vođena Narančasta revolucija. ; Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" in 2004 was interpreted differently by the country's Western- and Eastern-oriented populations and by their international counterparts. The West saw it as a win for democracy, whereas the pro-Russian population and Russia presented it as a coup d'état. The present paper addresses the significance of the Orange Revolution in the democratization of Ukraine. The degree to which its goals have been realized is considered in the aftermath of the elections in 2004, the subsequent multiple changes in the government, and the Second Revolution. Special attention is paid to the political actions of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, and Viktor Yanukovych, the leaders of the most prominent parties at the time. They were most responsible for realisation or the departure from the goals of democratization of Ukraine that motivated the Orange Revolution.
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In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 7, S. 247-251
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 98-112
This article analyzes the formation of the "Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative" (UJDI), promoted by a group of intellectuals from the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Zagreb in early 1989. The aim of this association was the democratic transformation of Yugoslavia during a period of political and economic crises. The paper focuses on the debate about constitutional reform and the constitutional "model" proposed by UJDI. Through UJDI's experience, the author analyzes some of the aspects and implications of the political cultures at the end of the 1980s. Furthermore, the author contributes new perspectives on the Yugoslav political crisis and the attempts of UJDI to call for democratization as the country teetered on the brink of war. Adapted from the source document.
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 53, Heft 1, S. 123-127
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 5-17
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 71-97
Belief in market economy has shown particular strength in post-socialist countries as being accompanied by great expectations regarding economic improvements at the individual level. Twenty years after the fall of the, so-called, real existing socialism these hopes have been fawned for the great majority of the citizens of these countries. The equation offered to explain the tendential low of individual living standard despite of increasing GDP, the access to European integrations and the implementation of structural reforms in the first decade of 2000s has been that the transition towards market economy has not yet been completed and that the problems with the wider prosperity of the citizens are due to inadequate or too slow course of the reform enforcement. This article proposes the exact opposite view by arguing that the wide economic deprivation of the citizens as well as the current economic crisis in which they are caught, are the effects of the neoliberal re-structuration and concomitant "democratization", and not the result of the lack of compliance to it. This article holds that the economic prosperity for the great majority is not compatible with the project of neoliberal economy cum conservative liberal democracy and that it can not be achieved within this frame. In post-socialist countries this simple conclusion has been obscured by the eschatological discourse about "transition towards democracy". Adapted from the source document.
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 565-591
ISSN: 0486-4700
A review of the literature -- both empirical & theoretical -- on modernization as defined by the classical Western model, which assumes that a uniform world of political democracies with free market economies will be the natural result of economic development. It is suggested that this model is too deterministic for non-Western countries because it does not distinguish between the demands of modernization & the preconditions for democratization. Many studies have found that there is no direct relationship between economic growth & political democratization. Modern political entities develop common characteristics, including the design of participatory structures & processes, but there is no evidence that the Western economic model should be adopted by all modernizing societies. 5 Figures. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 117-134
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 61-70
The text analyzes the ambivalent role of the army in the recent Egyptian revolution and the ensuing process of democratic transition. On the one hand, the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak's regime was a result of the activity of the army, which supported the protesters since the onset of the revolution. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the military body which has taken over power in Egypt, promises to ensure a peaceful transfer of power within a free and democratic system. On the other hand, some acts of the military authorities in the transitional period suggest that, in the next period of time, precisely the army could become the main blocking factor of the process of democratization. The authors deem that the main goal of the army is not to hold on to power, but to build such a political system in which it would enjoy a privileged position, free from civilian control. In the authors' judgement, if a halt to the process of democratization is to be prevented, the USA must make use of its influence and persuade the military leaders, who are preoccupied with their own reputation among the public, to carry through the initiated reforms. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 102-114
The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 247-267
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 9, S. 247-267
ISSN: 1845-6707