The unprecedented wave of protests against A. Lukashenko in 2020 raises questions about the prospect of democratization in Belarus. The article introduces the theoretical issues related to the transformation of political systems and refers to the case of Belarus. Based on the experience of transitology and the science of transformation of political systems so far, it has been indicated that the future democratic success of Belarus is not obvious. ; Mająca miejsce w 2020 r., niespotykana do tej pory, fala protestów przeciwko A. Łukaszence prowokuje pytania o perspektywę demokratyzacji Białorusi. Artykuł przybliża teoretyczne zagadnienia związane z transformacją systemów politycznych oraz odnosi się do przypadku białoruskiego. Na podstawie dotychczasowego doświadczenia tranzytologii, nauki o transformacji systemów politycznych, wskazano, że przyszły demokratyczny sukces Białorusi nie jest oczywisty.
The pro-democratic mobilization of Belarusians in 2020 does not fit in with the pattern typical of the region, where democratization was accompanied by an increase in pro-Western attitudes. Before the outbreak of the protests, in the course of their duration, and after their cessation, pro-Russian attitudes have prevailed over pro-European ones. Besides, Belarusians have a problematic national identity, an ambivalent attitude towards emancipatory values and are still attached to the attributes of the Soviet era. Such a configuration of values did not prevent the formation of a strong demand for democracy. However, it may significantly hinder the process of system transformation towards democracy.
The problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community's' existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the 'problem of democracy' among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state. ; The problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community's' existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the 'problem of democracy' among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state.
In the group of Central Asian countries, the Republic of Kazakhstan appears to be scientifically best communicated with Europe. Thus it has raised an increasingly strong interest – also on the part of comparative law researchers. The subject matter of this article is an attempt to reform territorial administration and to establish territorial self-government in Kazakhstan. The reforms have not been implemented without any resistance or mistakes, it is important, however, that the need to change and modernize local government structures is discerned. The debate over the constitutional reform of the local political system favours the construction of social awareness of the fact that a clear distinction between the territorial government administration and territorial self-government as well as the latter's independence, determines the construction of civil society and democratization of social life. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
The Republic of Belarus is an authoritarian country in Europe, which level of the political system's transition is defined as consolidated authoritarianism. Belarus claimed it was a democratic state after 1991, but in 1995 changed its course towards authoritarianism. From the theoretical aspect, as well as political practice, it is important to assess the internal and external political conditions affecting the multifaceted nature of the state. It is also important to establish the conditions allowing the state's transition from consolidated authoritarianism to democracy. The direction and extent of the political system's transition is influenced not only by political elite or society, although they play a dominant role, but also by history, religion, political culture or axiomatic system, which in large is still a continuation of the Soviet system. Therefore in the case of Belarus, there is a need for analysis of the conditions shaping authoritarianism on the normative and functional levels. A lack of conditions conducive to the flourishing of civil society impedes the democratization building process, which in accordance with the third wave of democratization should have been anchored in Belarus after the collapse of the bipolar system ; Republika Białoruś jest ostatnim państwem autorytarnym w Europie, którego poziom przemian ustrojowo-prawnych można określić jako autorytaryzm skonsolidowany. W przypadku Białorusi, która po w 1991 roku pretendowała do grona państw demokratycznych, a po 1995 zmieniła kurs w kierunku autorytaryzmu. Istotne jest zatem z punktu teorii, jak i praktyki politycznej ocena uwarunkowań wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które oddziałują na charakter państwa. Ważny aspekt stanowi określenie warunków, które pozwolą na wyjście z autorytaryzmu skonsolidowanego w kierunku demokratyzacji państwa. Na kształt i zakres przemian ustrojowo-prawnych i politycznych wpływają nie tylko elity polityczne czy społeczeństwo, choć one są dominujące, ale także historia, religia, kultura polityczna, system aksjologiczny, będący w znacznym stopniu kontynuacją systemu sowieckiego. Bardzo znaczące w przypadku Białorusi są uwarunkowania kształtowania się autorytaryzmu na poziomie normatywnym i funkcjonalnym. Brak uwarunkowań do powstania aktywnego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego uniemożliwia, na obecnym etapie rozwoju przemian ustrojowo-prawnych, tworzenie i budowanie demokratyzacji, która zgodnie z duchem III fali powinna zakotwiczyć się w Białorusi już po rozpadzie systemu bipolarnego.
When an authoritarian country lacks opportunities for free political activity, the diaspora and its leaders often take on the role of the democratic opposition against the authoritarian government and act as a political force for democratization. Although political activity abroad is very challenging and limited per se, the example of the Belarusian diaspora and its leaders demonstrates that they can play the role of an internationally recognized political entity. The pro-democratic activity of the Belarusian diaspora focuses on three main areas: the continuation of resistance against the authoritarian regime, the advancement of political representation, and the development of a credible democratic alternative including a political program for a future democratic Belarus. Yet the Russian aggression against Ukraine has put Belarusian opposition abroad at the front of a dilemma as to whether they should also take on a clear nation-building in the new geopolitical context.
The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.
The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.
Internet plays an increasingly important role in the political communication between citizens and institutions of the European Union. There are the potentials and constraints of the Internet in terms of mediating or facilitating the communication processes for citizens. The World Wide Web may contribute to the democratization of the Union. Nonetheless it appears that the right communication policy of the EU institutions is essential in this context. The results of content analysis of the European Commission's websites allowed to indicate main trends in the EU communications. Application of such techniques as simplifi cation, visualization, personalization, dramatization and polarization redounds to the changes in political communication in the EU. Prevalence of techniques that aim to increase communication attractiveness – being in thrall to the rules of marketing – may have a negative impact on civic participation in the political processes in the EU and also on the institution of European citizenship
One of the most important element of political and democratic transformation after 1989 in Central and Eastern European countries was the local government reform. The main aim of that reform was to renew the local government structure and replace the soviet system of councils which was highly centralized administrative and bureaucratic system. The introduction of territorial self‑government was considered as essential task in the process of political changes after fall of communism. The basic regulations of the local government system were included in the Constitutions, acts on local government and acts on free local elections adopted in ten Central and Eastern European countries which became the members of European Union in 2004 (Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Hungary) and in 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). The main principles of local government reform in Central and Eastern European countries were: — democratization and decentralization — autonomy from the central government — establishment of independent local budgets — property transformation — democratic local elections.
The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.
Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russia has become Germany's main Central European partner. The economic interests and hopes of gigantic contracts to modernize the Russian economy have played a colossal role in German policy. The Government of Chancellor Angela Merkel aspired to shape the Eastern policy of the European Union, and it was highly favorable towards the strategy of Russian modernization to be implemented with the participation of Western partners, as proposed by President Medvedev in 2009. However, this project never went beyond the stage of preliminary agreements, and both sides are increasingly disappointed with its progress. Germany continues to aspire to play the role of the leading EU member state involved in the transformation process in Russia, yet this is no longer treated in terms of the 'Russia first' attitude without any reservations. Germans are becoming increasingly aware that their efforts are doomed to fail without true Russian efforts aimed at the democratization of both their public life and economic structures.
The Treaty of Lisbon which entered into force in 1 December 2009 has once again increased powers of European Parliament. In fact, the treaties reforming the European Community (and then European Union) lead to change the role of European Parliament from the institution of an advisory nature with very limited power to important body with broad scope of competence and authority. This process ensures the democratization of European Union, because European Parliament is the only one fully democratic EU institution. In the Lisbon Treaty European Parliament for the first time were named as legislative body. According to the treaty the Parliament and Council can be regarded as two chambers in a bicameral legislative branch of the European Union. Therefore, the elections to European Parliament in 2014 were very important for all member states. Presented article provides the new scope of competence of European Parliament and the result of election to this institution in Poland. The author try to answer the question how the Lisbon Treaty influence on political practice.
Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russia has become Germany's main Central European partner. The economic interests and hopes of gigantic contracts to modernize the Russian economy have played a colossal role in German policy. The Government of Chancellor Angela Merkel aspired to shape the Eastern policy of the European Union, and it was highly favorable towards the strategy of Russian modernization to be implemented with the participation of Western partners, as proposed by President Medvedev in 2009. However, this project never went beyond the stage of preliminary agreements, and both sides are increasingly disappointed with its progress. Germany continues to aspire to play the role of the leading EU member state involved in the transformation process in Russia, yet this is no longer treated in terms of the 'Russia first' attitude without any reservations. Germans are becoming increasingly aware that their efforts are doomed to fail without true Russian efforts aimed at the democratization of both their public life and economic structures.
