Suchergebnisse

An examination of the impact of the Guatemalan peace process on democratization & social justice focuses on what gains have/have not been achieved, & the expansion of political space. The Guatemalan experience from the early 1980s to the present is analyzed in relation to theoretical debates about democratization & social justice in Latin America. It is argued that situations involving long civil war/society upheavals cannot be completely understood from the viewpoint of the literature on democratic transitions. Rather, Central American countries that experienced revolutionary convulsions must also be examined within the context of the literature that emphasizes participatory & procedural dimensions of democratization. The evolution of the Guatemalan peace process is traced & key elements of the accords are described to contend that they have created a new political scenario. It is maintained however that democracy will remain weak & unconsolidated until the many resistances are overcome. The crucial issue of socioeconomic equity & its relation to political democracy are considered along with prospects for the future. 136 References. J. Lindroth

An examination of the impact of the Guatemalan peace process on democratization & social justice focuses on what gains have/have not been achieved, & the expansion of political space. The Guatemalan experience from the early 1980s to the present is analyzed in relation to theoretical debates about democratization & social justice in Latin America. It is argued that situations involving long civil war/society upheavals cannot be completely understood from the viewpoint of the literature on democratic transitions. Rather, Central American countries that experienced revolutionary convulsions must also be examined within the context of the literature that emphasizes participatory & procedural dimensions of democratization. The evolution of the Guatemalan peace process is traced & key elements of the accords are described to contend that they have created a new political scenario. It is maintained however that democracy will remain weak & unconsolidated until the many resistances are overcome. The crucial issue of socioeconomic equity & its relation to political democracy are considered along with prospects for the future. 136 References. J. Lindroth

The United Nations involvement in the global promotion of democracy is investigated. Three principle reasons for the United Nations commitment to democratization are given: democratic governments tend to avoid international conflict with other democracies; human rights are more strongly protected in democratic political systems; & democracies are generally compelled to contribute to peoples socio-economic development. Three difficulties presently impeding the United Nations support of democratization projects are identified: addressing time constraints; promoting political transformation within resistant societies; & creating the necessary supports to implement democratic change in non-democratic countries. The issue concerning the United Nations ability to initiate democratization in large countries is also raised. J. W. Parker

Proposes a sociological theory of the conditions for democracy, drawing on the writings of Max Weber. It is suggested that most theories of democracy are insufficiently state-centered. Democracy is fundamentally a state configuration &, therefore, following Weber, has at its core a specific form of military organization. Democracies have expanded & contracted according to their ability to expand & conquer or enter into coalitions with other states. More specifically, democracy has been advanced most when a plurality of actors maintain control over political/military resources, & are thereby forced to enter into coalitions with one another. This thesis is demonstrated, drawing on evidence of European state maneuverings during the Middle Ages. Thus, democracy is understood from the outside in, as conditioned by geopolitical shifts among independent state actors. The contemporary relevance of this theory for interpreting the prospects for democracy in Eastern Europe is briefly considered. 1 Figure, 11 References. D. M. Ryfe

An introductory chapter notes that the aim of the book is to incorporate gender analysis into a critical study of the processes of globalization & democratization. Robert Connell's (1987) concept of gender as an active process that creates divisions of labor, power, emotions, identity, behavior, & dress is used to show how economic aspects of 20th-century globalization have impacted gender relations. "Full" democracy is described as one in which institutionalized gender regimes are truly egalitarian. The complex relationship between globalization & democratization is discussed to contend that globalization represents economic forces that change both the division of labor between the sexes & the nature of the state. The contributors give considerable attention to tensions that exist between gender regimes that determine work relations & those that operate within the family. The interdisciplinary essays offer regional perspectives on varied characteristics of globalization & address contradictions generated by the link between globalization & democratization as social movements. Case studies from around the world assess the prospects for gender regime change & increased democratization. J. Lindroth

Es gibt eine Vielzahl von unterschiedlichen Erklärungsansätzen für das Entstehen von Demokratien. Der Verfasser hält die Ressourcenverteilung in einem Land für einen grundlegenden Kausalfaktor. Auf der Basis einer darwinistischen Sicht der Politik entwickelt er einen Index der Machtverteilung, der intellektuelle Machtressourcen (Anteil der Menschen, die Lesen und Schreiben können, Anteil der Studenten) und wirtschaftliche Machtressourcen (Bruttoinlandsprodukt, Anteil landwirtschaftlicher Familienbetriebe, Dezentralisierungsgrad nicht-landwirtschaftlicher wirtschaftlicher Ressourcen) berücksichtigt. Angenommen wird, dass die Bedingungen für Demokratie sich mit steigenden Werten für den Index der Machtressourcen verbessern. Dies wird anhand zweier Hypothesen getestet: (1) Maße für Demokratie korrelieren mit Maßen für Ressourcenverteilung. (2) Alle Länder überschreiten die Schwelle zur Demokratisierung auf ungefähr demselben Niveau der Ressourcenverteilung. (ICEÜbers). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.

Contends that Russia's weak & asymmetrical form of federalism impinges on democratic consolidation, suggesting that the 1990-1993 freezing of federal relations is a key to the current semiauthoritarian regime. Four factors have played roles in federal-level weakness: (1) the Soviet-era legacy of the hybrid ethno-territorial principle of federalism, (2) the 1993 Constitution's tenuous legitimacy, (3) the problem of ethnic secessionism, & (4) bilateral treaties & contract federalism. The relationship of federalism to democracy is discussed, noting Russia exhibits regional diversity in civil society development, electoral practices, & adherence to constitutional norms & exercise of human rights. Local & regional political & economic elites have taken advantage of federal weakness, with clientelism, patrimonialism, & corruption rampant. The lack of strong leadership on the part of the federal law enforcement undermines the Constitution & thwarts the development of legal culture, thus, democracy. It is concluded that the legacy of ethnoterritorial federalism has generated major tensions & divisions. Bilateralism is seen as an attempt to counter this asymmetrical form of federalism, but it undercut the Constitution, leading to ethnic secessionism & demands for legal separation, which resulted in Yeltsin conceding more & more power to regional elites in exchange for support. J. Zendejas

The United Nation's efforts to promote Afghanistan's democratization are studied. An historical overview of the United Nation's long-standing presence in Afghanistan is presented, emphasizing the conditions that initially limited the United Nation's activities to humanitarian support & peacekeeping but ultimately expanded to democracy assistance. Special Representative to the Secretary-General Lakhdar Brahimi's achievement of encouraging Afghanistans four major opposition groups to collaborate in the formation of a power-sharing authority, the subsequent enactment of the Bonn Agreement, & the initial difficulties experienced by the Interim Authority under Hamid Karzai are then discussed. Recognizing several factors that could result in the fragmentation of Afghanistan's fledgling democracy, eg, the explosion of inter-ethnic violence, it is recommended that a federalist system be established in Afghanistan to prevent such determinants from destroying the nation's democratization; suggestions for transforming the current political system into a federalist one are also offered. J. W. Parker

"The European Union (EU) has encouraged democratic development in a number of post-communist states. This article examines the extent of EU involvement in Ukraine and its results. It notes that there has been a substantial disconnect between the rhetoric of Ukraine's 'European Choice' and authoritarian trends in the country. Ukraine signed a series of agreements with the EU, but membership in the organization was never offered. The EU's interest in Ukraine, however, was rather meager and it never gained means to have much leverage. As authoritarianism became more pronounced, the EU began to disengage from the country. The article argues that part of the problem was that the EU never applied political conditionality to Ukraine as it had with other states. The 'Orange Revolution' opens up new possibilities and challenges, and the EU now must come to grips with a more democratically and Western-oriented leadership." (author's abstract)

Recent debate on the existence of democratic processes in the European Union (EU) has provoked more questions than answers. The difficulty of choosing a suitable model for comparison is cited along with the need for the EU to use increasingly democratic means. Lord explores the means by which democratic government may reliably reflect public wishes. It is asserted that more democracy in the EU could mean less legitimacy. Means of avoiding this problem are explored via a list of methods for institutionalizing democracy & a comparison of intergovernmental & supranational approaches. Also considered are the idea of democratizing the EU by a "consociational" method & monitoring governors. Examples of deeper democratization's impact on national & populist representation are given. European elections & the European Parliament (EP) are examined for their ability to herald results of the proposed change. There is discussion of the powers of executive formation & dismissal & of the EP's legislative power. The possibilities attending strengthening of the EP, popular election of an EU executive, & Swiss-style referendums are analyzed. 1 Table, 40 References. M. C. Leary

An examination of structuring federations to accommodate ethnic minorities maintains that liberal theorists who promote federalism believe the best way to secure minority rights is through non-ethnically based constituent units developed within a framework that ensures the protection of human rights for all citizens regardless of ethnic, racial, or other backgrounds. Discussions regarding the ability of federation to provide a means to manage intergroup conflicts are seen as especially relevant for the postcommunist world. The structure, content, & evolution of the federal process are explored, along with attempts to develop more coherent policies related to federal nationalities. Examination of the ethnorepublics suggests that a democratized federation offers the best chance to deal effectively with both minority & majority primordalist nationalisms. Special attention is given to the Russian situation since the end of the military phase of the Chechen crisis. The implications of Russia's experiences dealing with the demands of its dozens of territorially concentrated national minorities are discussed to shed light on general understandings of multicultural federalism. J. Lindroth

An analysis of the role of women in the Republic of Korea (South Korea) suggests that patriarchal ideological & structural forces have hindered women's participation in the political system. Although women were actively involved in the dangerous struggle for democracy, they have been noticeably absent from public life during the period of "democratic consolidation." The political consciousness exhibited by women in relation to gender inequality & social injustice has not translated into formal political power. Institutional, legal, & political-cultural perspectives are used to examine how the democratic transition has affected women's political marginalization; as well as "strategic sites" for political opportunities created by industrialization; the nature/effectiveness of women's civil organizations; & the impact of international feminism on the political activism of South Korean women. It is concluded that the rapid political changes demanded by the globalization of the economy has permitted the androcentric power structure to remain basically unchanged. Women's positions have also been impacted by the militarism associated with South Korea's divided nature & the male-oriented, hierarchical culture dictated by Confucianism. J. Lindroth