Dogłębna demokratyzacja wychowania
In: Roczniki Pedagogiczne, Band 8(44), Heft 1, S. 105-123
ISSN: 2544-5243
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In: Roczniki Pedagogiczne, Band 8(44), Heft 1, S. 105-123
ISSN: 2544-5243
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 2368
In: Przegla̜d zachodni: czasopismo Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu : kwartalnik. [Polnische Ausgabe], Band 62, Heft 4, S. 25-42
ISSN: 0033-2437
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 44, Heft 5/448, S. 21-36
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Roczniki Pedagogiczne, Band 9(45), Heft 4, S. 5-17
ISSN: 2544-5243
In: Studia Politologiczne, Band 2020, Heft 55, S. 381-395
After two democratic transitions of power in 2013 and 2018, Pakistan remains a hybrid regime. The military-security establishment continues to control key policies in the country. The causes of this imbalance of control are (i) the lack of capable political elites, (ii)an unofficial alliance between military-security establishment and religious organisations, (iii)external threats. On the one hand, these threats result from geopolitics that doesnot depend on Islamabad; on the other hand, they are escalated by the military-securityestablishment to legitimise its dominant position.
In: Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, Heft 4, S. 111
In: Studia medioznawcze: Media studies, Band 4, S. 175-178
ISSN: 2451-1617
In: Nowa polityka wschodnia, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 212-238
The democratization of the former Soviet Union countries was a long and arduous process of regaining the sovereignty lost after World War II. The political, social, economic, cultural and institutional transformations taking place at that time, both in the territory of the former Soviet republics and those formally independent of the USSR, but in fact completely dominated by it, constituted a conglomerate of various factors, conditioning in most cases a bloodless revolution. The systemic transformation, however, did not go everywhere in the direction expected by society and the new political class. In many countries, the quality of overall structural transformations left much to be desired. Not everywhere was it possible to fill the institutional void left by the liquidated organs of government and the security apparatus. The lively assessment of the new, democratic political system, formulated in statu nascendi, was shared by the opinion-forming circles that had so far operated in the underground and had a strong influence on the social mood of individual countries. One of the independent magazines devoted to the problems of neighboring countries was the underground periodical "Obóz".
Changes in political values in the public consciousness of the Ukrainian citizens. It shows their correlativity with the European values of democracy are analyzed. The Polish experience of democratization of social relations and its impact on the Ukrainian political perspective are analyzed. ; Changes in political values in the public consciousness of the Ukrainian citizens. It shows their correlativity with the European values of democracy are analyzed. The Polish experience of democratization of social relations and its impact on the Ukrainian political perspective are analyzed.
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Stalinism and Revolution in Universities: Democratization of Higher Education from Above, 1947–1956The first postwar decade in Poland saw a rebuilding of the whole country, including the school system and higher education. Higher education institutions were to mold a new intelligentsia, coming from a wider social background. Initial grassroots efforts to change the elite character of universities were eclipsed from 1947 by a reform introduced from above. On the one hand, the reform curtailed the autonomy of universities and increased censorship and political control; on the other hand, however, its aim was to make university education available on an unprecedented scale to people from the working and peasant classes. This article offers a survey of tools through which this "democratization" of access to higher education was implemented, such as a new admissions process, the induction year and preparatory courses. It also shows how these tools changed the students' social backgrounds, albeit without permanently altering the general picture of higher education in Poland. Stalinizm i rewolucja na uczelniach – odgórna demokratyzacja dostępu do edukacji wyższej 1947–1956Pierwsza powojenna dekada to czas odbudowy całego kraju, w tym systemu edukacji, i reformy szkolnictwa wyższego. Uczelnie miały stać się miejscami budowy nowej inteligencji o egalitarnym pochodzeniu. Początkowo oddolne starania, by zmienić elitarny charakter uniwersytetów, od 1947 roku zostały zdominowane przez odgórną reformę edukacji. Z jednej strony oznaczała ona ograniczenie autonomii uczelni, zwiększenie cenzury i politycznej kontroli, z drugiej jednak miała na celu umożliwienie studiowania osobom z klasy robotniczej i chłopskiej na niespotykaną wcześniej skalę. Artykuł stanowi przegląd narzędzi "demokratyzacji" dostępu do szkolnictwa wyższego, takich jak nowy proces rekrutacji, rok wstępny i kursy przygotowawcze. Pokazuje także, jak zmieniły one społeczne pochodzenie studentów, a jednak nie zmieniły trwale oblicza szkolnictwa wyższego.
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The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?».The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation.The author's view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014. ; The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?».The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation.The author's view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014.
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The so-called colour revolutions that occurred in Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, among others, continue to be a bone of contention for the numerous authors trying to identify the reasons for the outbreaks, the duration and specific nature of these protests. The disputes between scholars mainly concern the detailed enumeration of the factors that caused the outbreak of these so-called colour revolutions and the overthrow of authorities, but all scholars are in agreement that the events under analysis have been caused by a peculiar composition of many factors rather than a single one. This paper concentrates on the role of factors related to two dimensions: domestic and international. The purpose of the paper, however, is not to analyse case studies or compare individual events, seeking similarities or differences between them, but to review the categories applied in the literature on the subject, their operationalisation, and an attempt at the systematisation of the current research trends as regards colour revolutions ; Tak zwane kolorowe rewolucje, które miały miejsce w Serbii, Ukrainie, Gruzji, czy Kirgistanie do dziś są przedmiotem sporu wielu autorów, usiłujących ustalić czynniki odpowiedzialne za wybuch, czas trwania i specyficzny charakter protestów. Spory pomiędzy badaczami dotyczą szczegółowej listy czynników odpowiedzialnych za wybuch kolorowych rewolucji oraz obalenie władzy, wszyscy jednak zgadzają się, że za analizowane wydarzenia odpowiada specyficzna konfiguracja różnych czynników, a nie wyłącznie jeden powód. Niniejszy artykuł skupia się na roli czynników pochodzących z dwóch wymiarów: krajowego i międzynarodowego. Zadaniem tekstu nie jest jednak analiza studium przypadku, ani porównanie poszczególnych wydarzeń w poszukiwaniu podobieństw czy różnic. Jest nim natomiast przegląd obecnych w literaturze przedmiotu kategorii oraz ich operacjonalizacji, a także próba systematyzacji istniejących nurtów w badaniach nad kolorowymi rewolucjami.
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