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This paper is designed to draw attention to the need for lasting peace in Nigeria as a nation especially in the oil producing region of the country -- the Niger Delta and also the need to reactivate other resources of the nation apart from oil. Nigeria is Africa's leading oil exporter and the fifth-biggest source of the United States of America's oil imports, but despite its oil wealth, many Nigerians live in abject poverty. The irony becomes more critical with the situation of Nigeria's Niger Delta region, which is home to vast oil reserves, that make the country one of the world's biggest oil exporters and yet remains poor, under-developed and, consequently, prone to violence. Every time such violence occurs, many lives are lost and the oil industry is adversely affected leading to increases in oil prices. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Good Energy Policy is the Key to America's Energy Future -- 2. Government Interference in the Energy Industry is Bad Policy -- 3. Energy Independence is a Worthwhile and Achievable Goal -- 4. Energy Independence is a Misguided and Unrealistic Goal -- 5. Dependence on Oil Threatens America's Interests -- 6. Dependence On Oil is not a Threat to National Security -- 7. Good Relations with Venezuela is the Key to U.S. Energy Security -- 8. The United States should not Seek to Control Iraqi Oil -- 9. The United States should be More Involved in Iraqi Oil Development -- 10. Coal is the Key to America's Energy Future -- 11. Coal-Based Energy Independence Threatens the Environment -- 12. Using Home-Grown Ethanol can Contribute to Energy Independence -- 13. Ethanol will not Contribute to U.S. Energy Independence -- 14. Energy-Efficient Transportation can Reduce America's Foreign Oil Dependence -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

Within ASEAN, Malaysia is a major oil-exporting country ; however, it is expected to become a net oil-importing country in the near future. This issue brings concerns over Malaysia's energy security, particularly on the aspect of oil import dependency. This is because its transportation and industrial sectors are still heavily dependent on oil products. By simulating dynamic interplays between developments in Malaysia's oil sector and its economy sectors, this study explores the possible years of the transformation and the extent to which it will be dependent on oil import. Four scenarios related to enhanced oil recovery, exploration and production investment, subsidy elimination and technology advances are considered for the simulation. In isolation, the subsidy elimination scenario provides the best result. However, if all scenarios are considered simultaneously, an undesired effect emerges. The earliest that Malaysia is expected to become a net oil-importing country is 2012 and the latest is 2021. Malaysia's dependence on oil imports is expected to continue increasing. In all scenarios, the shares of oil import in the total supply rise to above 90% in 2030, with the highest share at 97%.

This paper examines oil-dependence and civil conflict in Nigeria focusing on the economic dynamics of resource-induced conflicts. It identifies two dimensions to oil-related civil conflict in the country. The first is the violent rent-seeking political violence that oil-availability generates between the various ethno-regional groups; the second is the Niger Delta crisis. The former is linked to excessive government dependence on oil revenues, an institutionally unstable revenue allocation system, weak political institutional arrangements, lack of effective agencies of restraints to demand transparency and accountability on the part of political office holders, failure to translate oil wealth to sustainable growth and increased standard of living for a larger majority of Nigerians, and a defective property right structure in relation to mineral resource endowment. Violence in the Niger Delta area is attributed, in the main, to weak institutional arrangements manifesting in poorly-conceived laws, lack of enforcement, "regulatory capture", and a marriage of interest between the State and oil companies which often encourage the State to use repressive measures against host communities in cases of disputes. There are also the looting and secession incentives as well as the rentseeking contests that oil-availability and the allure of ownership creates among local participants. Three factors (educational attainment, income level and asset possession) consistently explain the propensity to general violence among individuals in the region in the Ordered and Multinomial regressions on civil disobedience. The paper concludes with a discussion of some measures that may be used to break the "conflict trap" and overcome the corrupting influence of oil-dependence in Nigeria.

This paper examines oil-dependence and civil conflict in Nigeria focusing on the economic dynamics of resource-induced conflicts. It identifies two dimensions to oil-related civil conflict in the country. The first is the violent rent-seeking political violence that oil-availability generates between the various ethno-regional groups; the second is the Niger Delta crisis. The former is linked to excessive government dependence on oil revenues, an institutionally unstable revenue allocation system, weak political institutional arrangements, lack of effective agencies of restraints to demand transparency and accountability on the part of political office holders, failure to translate oil wealth to sustainable growth and increased standard of living for a larger majority of Nigerians, and a defective property right structure in relation to mineral resource endowment. Violence in the Niger Delta area is attributed, in the main, to weak institutional arrangements manifesting in poorly-conceived laws, lack of enforcement, "regulatory capture", and a marriage of interest between the State and oil companies which often encourage the State to use repressive measures against host communities in cases of disputes. There are also the looting and secession incentives as well as the rentseeking contests that oil-availability and the allure of ownership creates among local participants. Three factors (educational attainment, income level and asset possession) consistently explain the propensity to general violence among individuals in the region in the Ordered and Multinomial regressions on civil disobedience. The paper concludes with a discussion of some measures that may be used to break the "conflict trap" and overcome the corrupting influence of oil-dependence in Nigeria.

Russia's macro economic fate has for a long time been connected to its vast natural resources and oil in particular. This paper shows just how deep Russia's dependence on oil is when it comes to its macro economic development (at least) since the break up of the Soviet Union. Although many analysts and policy makers discuss Russia's oil dependence, not everyone fully appreciates its quantitative importance and what it means for Russian policy making. This paper provides a detailed analysis of the link between Russia's economic growth and international oil prices, both when it comes to actual outcomes and the forecasts that are crucial for policy makers and other economic actors. The strength of the relationship is staggering. Depending on measures and time periods used, international oil prices account for 50 to over 90 percent of Russia's actual growth or forecast errors. Since international oil prices are exogenous to Russian policy makers it means that they do not really control the fate of their economy. Good macro economic management, in particular a flexible exchange rate, can mitigate some macro economic volatility that are due to changes in international oil prices but structural reforms to support diversification are needed to take control of the country's macro economic future. Investors and consumers in the EU could be Russia's prime partners to make this happen and it would benefit a vast majority of citizens both in Russia and the EU. However, it will require significant policy changes on both sides that currently look doubtful for other reasons than simple economics.