Suchergebnisse

Este estudio aspira a dar luz sobre el impacto diferenciado de las cuotas de género en la representación política de las mujeres latinoamericanas. Para ello, se examina la incidencia del marco electoral sobre la eficacia de estas medidas de acción afirmativa. A partir de indicios que sugieren que el diseño de las leyes de cuotas y la estructura de la papeleta de votación son factores determinantes para potenciar la capacidad de cuotas de género de aumentar la representación descriptiva de las mujeres en el tiempo, se analiza el contexto institucional de trece países en América Latina, a lo largo de sesenta y seis periodos legislativos entre 1991 y 2020. Los países seleccionados son Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Perú y Uruguay. El análisis indica que la fortaleza del contenido de las cuotas es un factor particularmente relevante para entender como este mecanismo incide sobre la variación del número de mujeres en el tiempo, independientemente del tipo de lista, mientras que un mayor protagonismo del electorado a través del voto preferencial no perjudica necesariamente el avance hacia la paridad en política. ; This study aims at examining the way in which electoral rules affect the impact of gender quotas on female representation in Latin American parliaments. Considering evidence that suggests that a specific legal corpus of the quotas and non-preferential electoral systems are necessary conditions for the effectiveness of gender quotas, the institutional context in thirteen Latin American countries has been examined over a period of time that includes sixty-six legislatures, from 1991 to 2020. The countries that have been selected are Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Perú y Uruguay. The results show that the strength of the gender quota design is particularly relevant for understanding how this mechanism affect the variation of the numbers of women over time, no matter the type of orientation of the electoral system, and that voters' greater ability to influence ballot structures through preferential voting does not necessarily represent an obstacle to gender parity.

This article aims to find out what practices have been carried out by the parties of the Community of Madrid to integrate women into the autonomous parliament between 1983-2019, and thus confirm whether the incorporation of women corresponds to a "quota" policy or the equality law. In this way, it will be possible to determine to what extent women's integration is real, what effect the quotas or the equality law has had in this sense, or whether it has been the political parties that have really encouraged women's participation in politics. ; En este artículo se pretende averiguar qué prácticas han llevado a cabo los partidos de la Comunidad de Madrid para integrar a las mujeres en el parlamento autonómico entre 1983-2019, y así confirmar si la incorporación de éstas corresponde o no con una política de "cuotas" o la ley de igualdad. De esta manera, se podrá determinar hasta qué punto la integración femenina es real, cuál ha sido el efecto que han tenido las cuotas o la ley de igualdad en este sentido, o si han sido los partidos políticos los que realmente han impulsado la participación en política de las mujeres. ; Este artigo visa apurar que práticas foram levadas a cabo pelos partidos da Comunidade de Madrid para integrar as mulheres no parlamento autônomo entre 1983-2019, confirmando assim se a incorporação das mulheres corresponde ou não a uma política de "quotas" ou à lei da igualdade. Deste modo, será possível determinar até que ponto a integração das mulheres é real, qual o efeito que as quotas ou a lei da igualdade tiveram neste sentido e ou se foram os partidos políticos que realmente promoveram a participação das mulheres na política.

Aquest estudi aspira a donar llum sobre l'impacte diferenciat de les quotes de gènere en la representació política de les dones llatinoamericanes. Per a això, s'examina la incidència del marc electoral sobre l'eficàcia d'aquestes mesures d'acció afirmativa. A partir d'indicis que suggereixen que el disseny de les lleis de quotes i l'estructura de la papereta de votació són factors determinants per a potenciar la capacitat de quotes de gènere d'augmentar la representació descriptiva de les dones en el temps, s'analitza el context institucional de tretze països a Amèrica Llatina, al llarg de seixanta-sis períodes legislatius entre 1991 i 2020. Els països seleccionats són l'Argentina, Bolívia, el Brasil, Xile, Colòmbia, Costa Rica, l'Equador, El Salvador, Hondures, Mèxic, Nicaragua, el Perú i l'Uruguai. L'anàlisi indica que la fortalesa del contingut de les quotes és un factor particularment rellevant per a entendre com aquest mecanisme incideix sobre la variació del nombre de dones en el temps, independentment del tipus de llista, mentre que un major protagonisme de l'electorat a través del vot preferencial no perjudica necessàriament l'avanç cap a la paritat en política. ; This study aims at examining the way in which electoral rules affect the impact of gender quotas on female representation in Latin American parliaments. Considering evidence that suggests that a specific legal corpus of the quotas and non-preferential electoral systems are necessary conditions for the effectiveness of gender quotas, the institutional context in thirteen Latin American countries has been examined over a period of time that includes sixty-six legislatures, from 1991 to 2020. The countries that have been selected are Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Perú y Uruguay. The results show that the strength of the gender quota design is particularly relevant for understanding how this mechanism affect the variation of the numbers of women over time, no matter the type of orientation of the electoral system, and that voters' greater ability to influence ballot structures through preferential voting does not necessarily represent an obstacle to gender parity. ; Este estudio aspira a dar luz sobre el impacto diferenciado de las cuotas de género en la representación política de las mujeres latinoamericanas. Para ello, se examinará la incidencia del marco electoral sobre la eficacia de estas medidas de acción afirmativa. A partir de indicios que sugieren que el diseño de las leyes de cuotas y la estructura de la papeleta de votación son factores determinantes para potenciar la capacidad de cuotas de género de aumentar la representación descriptiva de las mujeres en el tiempo, se analizará el contexto institucional de trece países en América Latina, a lo largo de sesenta y seis periodos legislativos entre 1991 y 2020. Los países seleccionados son Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Perú y Uruguay. Palabras claves: América Latina, representación descriptiva de las mujeres, cuotas de género.

This paper looks at the relationship between social representations & political representation of immigrants, in organizations that purport to speak in the name of minority francophone communities in Canada. On the one hand, I examine organizations' discourse about immigrants & immigration, & on the other, I study the descriptive political representation of immigrants within the organizations. Discourse analysis reveals an evolution from a standpoint that presents immigrants as permanently different to a more inclusive description of immigrants' place within the francophone communities or a form of integrated pluralism. In terms of political representation, although there is great variety between provincial organizations, one can conclude that immigrants are overrepresented among the organizations' employees, but slightly underrepresented in most organizations' administrative offices. Adapted from the source document.

Summary. The article analyses the descriptive and symbolic political representation of women in positions in municipalities with Indigenous Regulatory Systems (SNI) in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico. He said that although there had been a historic increase in the number of appointments (descriptive representation), most of them related to care and family service, which was analysed from an indigenous community perspective, as well as their possible involvement in the reproduction of power relationships characterised by gender inequality (symbolic representation). On the basis of the legal and social context of DASDFAFAF, which has developed the process of gender parity, the results obtained in the 2016 and 2019 elections are analysed, comparing, between these years, the number of municipal presidents and syndicates appointed in the 417 municipalities with recognition of their free determination to choose their lobbyists, as well as the type of governing bodies mostly occupied by women. These data can be seen from the arguments put forward by some actors to explain the roles women have in the political life of oaxaquean indigenous communities. ; Resumen El artículo analiza la representación política descriptiva y simbólica de las mujeres que ocupan cargos en los cabildos de municipios con Sistemas Normativos Indígenas (SNI), en el estado de Oaxaca, México. Plantea que si bien se ha registrado un incremento histórico en el número de nombramientos (representación descriptiva), la mayor parte corresponden a cargos relacionados con el cuidado y el servicio familiar, lo cual es analizado desde la perspectiva comunitaria indígena, así como de su posible implicación en la reproducción de las relaciones de poder caracterizadas por la desigualdad de género (representación simbólica). A partir del contexto jurídico y social en DASDFAFAF que se ha desarrollado el proceso de paridad de género, se analizan los resultados obtenidos en las elecciones de 2016 y 2019, y se compara, entre estos años, el número de presidentas ...

Website esd.cnam.fr The importance of the descriptive task in manestion-Métaphore sciences, image and figure Summary This text is organised as follows. After an introduction on the issue of the narrative, he elaborated on: The importance of the discursive task (history and 'historicisation', history and colportage, stories in organisational discourse, history as a discipline, as a demonstration, as a method and as an anthropology), Organisational discourse as an organisational figure, history and chronology, An overview of the management literature (works of 'aero platforms' sold following the same logic as best sellers, books written by 'academics', periodicals aligned with that of the press, academic journals, professional literature), metaphors and images in management sciences, model and metaphor, metaphor, metonymy and other style figures, models, metaphors and references, Ethos and organisational behaviour, The status of analogy in management sciences, Figures and configurations (as passive identification given an environment), Idealtype, stereotypes and prejudices, Mythe Organisational, "Frontier objects". The text ends on five focus: "Mapping" and "map", Participant Observation, Visual Studies, The Communicative Constitution of Organising, and Emmanuel Lev-Ethics as an opening to the other (the fundamental principles of Lev-thought — experience of the Beer and ontology, fake exits from the other: perseverance in the other and the reduction of the other to the same, the experience of real transcendence, the transition from the other to ethics and politics, current criticisms and interests). ; Site web esd.cnam.fr L'importance de la tâche descriptive en sciences de gestion-Métaphore, image et figure Résumé Ce texte est organisé de la manière suivante. Après une introduction consacrée à la question du récit, il développe : L'importance de la tâche discursive (Histoires et « historicisation », Histoire et colportage, des histoires dans le discours organisationnel, l'Histoire comme discipline, comme ...

Work to highlight the positive aspect of learning the various by the exotic architecture of the end of the 19th century. In Paris: the understanding of the exotic can only be achieved by "levelling up" the necessary relationship elsewhere, its forms, materials, etc. Or its fantasmatic representation. ; Travail visant à souligner l'aspect positif de l'apprentissage du divers par l'architecture exotique de la fin du XIXe siècle. A Paris : sachant que la compréhension de l'exotique ne peut passer que par la "mise à plat" de la nécessaire relation à l'ailleurs, ses formes, ses matériaux . Ou sa représentation fantasmatique.

This paper analyses the perceptions that Spanish MPs have about the descriptive and substantive dimensions of political representation and the implications that these would have on the practice of representative democracy. Drawing on 18 in-depth interviews with members of congress and senate in the seventh legislature (2000–2004), of both sexes and from all political parties, we make a typology of discourses MPs have about these two dimensions of political representation before the Law of Equality came into force in 2007. Using an original analytical framework for the qualitative study of political representation, the study reveals that attributes belonging to both the actors and the context underlie the differences in the interviewees' discourses. Adding to previous literature, results suggest that sex (and the gender role linked) is not the only and determinant factor to understand MPs' definition of political representation. Other variables from the context appear to be crucial. ; Este artículo analiza las percepciones que los parlamentarios españoles tienen acerca de las dimensiones descriptiva y sustantiva de la representación política y las implicaciones que estas percepciones pudieran tener en la práctica de la democracia representativa. A partir de la celebración de 18 entrevistas en profundidad con miembros del Congreso y del Senado, representantes en la VII legislatura (2000-2004), de ambos sexos y de todos los partidos políticos, se ha elaborado una tipología de los discursos que tienen los parlamentarios, antes de la entrada en vigor de la Ley de Igualdad de 2007. A través de la formulación de un marco analítico original para el estudio cualitativo de la representación política, el estudio revela qué atributos, pertenecientes tanto a los actores como al contexto, subyacen a las diferencias en los discursos de los entrevistados. Junto a los resultados obtenidos en la literatura previa, los hallazgos de este trabajo sugieren que el sexo y el respectivo rol de género no es el único factor determinante para comprender las definiciones de la representación política de los parlamentarios. Otras variables, relacionadas con el contexto en el que el actor social se sitúa, parecen ser también cruciales.

About special indigenous representation in Peru: An approach from the viewpoint of indigenous leaders. Following the numerous indigenous uprisings in the 1990´s, scholars have paid close attention to indigenous politics in Latin America, with their main focus placed on the construction of indigenous movements, as well as indigenous identity. In contrast, very few contributions deal with institutional designs to promote indigenous people's access to formal politics. This paper addresses the topic of descriptive representation of indigenous people in formal decision-making spheres, with the main focus on the Parliament. It outlines the benefits associated with descriptive representation of minorities, as well as two cases of interest: Mexico and New Zealand. Based on interviews conducted during the summer of 2009, the article provides insight into the indigenous leaders´ assessments regarding this issue. It also includes a look at the magnitude of recent indigenous representation in Parliament. The final section presents a brief review of some strategies to include indigenous people informal power structures. ; Se aborda la representación especial o descriptiva de poblaciones indígenas en espacios formales de decisión, con foco en el ámbito parlamentario y en la potencialidad de un diseño en esta línea para el caso peruano. Como marco, el trabajo reseña los beneficios asociados a la representación descriptiva de minorías, así como dos casos de interés: México y Nueva Zelanda. Se presenta la opinión sobre este tema de líderes indígenas peruanos, cuyos testimonios fueron recogidos durante el verano de 2009. El texto incluye una breve descripción del marco normativo peruano, como también una mirada a la magnitud de la representación indígena reciente en el Parlamento. La última sección presenta notas a modo de conclusión, y una reseña sucinta de algunas estrategias ensayadas para incluir a poblaciones indígenas en espacios formales de poder.

Summary The book translates the interest in closing gender gaps in politics, focusing on analysing the current context and thus identifying areas of opportunity from which effective strategies can be undertaken. The analysis is done through a systematic and comparative evaluation, using data from the #MujeresPolíticas project, created with the aim of having a repository from which the political representation of women can be quantitatively measured. The study is carried out through cultural, partisan, politico-institutional and structural dimensions. While the political participation of women in Mexico is measured over eight chapters in terms of descriptive parameters, the intention is to lay the foundations for a substantive approach in the future. The book is part of and fostered the legal, political and even philosophical debate on equality and democracy. ; Resumen El libro materializa el interés por cerrar brechas de género en el campo de la política, centrándose en analizar el contexto actual e identificar así áreas de oportunidad a partir de las cuales puedan emprenderse estrategias efectivas. El análisis se realiza mediante una evaluación sistemática y comparada, utilizando datos del proyecto #MujeresPolíticas, creado con el objetivo de contar con un repositorio desde el cual pueda medirse cuantitativamente la representación política de las mujeres. El estudio es realizado a través de un recorrido por dimensiones culturales, partidistas, político-institucionales y estructurales. Si bien a lo largo de ocho capítulos se mide la participación política de las mujeres en México en lo que respecta a parámetros descriptivos, la intención es sentar las bases para en un futuro poder plantearlo en términos sustantivos. El libro se inscribe y nutre el debate jurídico, político e incluso filosófico respecto a la igualdad y la democracia.

Introduction: Despite the existence of a wide range of contraceptive options, the increase in number of abortions reflects the need to provide new contraceptive solutions and to place the couple at the heart of the debate. In contrast to the large number of contraceptive options for women, the arsenal of devices for men is still limited. Thermal male contraception, developed 30 years ago, still suffers a lack of medical democratization which counterbalances with men's growing interest in it. Yet, General Practitioners, who are the main prescribers of contraception, do not seem sufficiently informed to offer this alternative to their patients. Objectives: To carry out an inventory of the knowledge of General Practitioners about thermal testicular contraception in the AURA region. Analysis of their representations of thermal testicular contraception (TTC) and their motivation to benefit from additional information. Material and method: Realization of a quantitative cross-sectional study of descriptive type via a questionnaire sent by mail to the physicians or distributed by the CDOM in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes between July 2021 and September 2021. The results were analyzed using the Jamovi software with the Chi2 test. Results: We included 153 responses in the analysis. Among these, 30.1% of doctors appeared to be aware of the TTC, most notably in the form of the undergarment (29.1% versus 17.9% for the ring). The location of practice, additional training courses about contraception and the mode of practice (planning or orthogenetic center) all have a statistically significant link with the knowledge of the TTC among the doctors questioned. After presenting them a brief and synthetic piece of information, 94.6% showed an interest in additional information and 53.5% felt ready to suggest it to their patients. We can underline that 51.3% are in favor of popularizing TTC, so that it could be suggested to patients the same way female contraceptives are. Conclusion: Male contraception is a topic that motivates a number of national and international clinical trials. Although still in the experimental stage, the results are promising. In response to the increasing demand of patient, General Practitioners would be willing to support TTC projects, provided that additional information and solid scientific evidence are available. ; Introduction : Malgré l'existence d'un panel contraceptif important, la progression du nombre d'IVG traduit la nécessité de proposer de nouvelles solutions de contrôle de leur fertilité aux couples. En miroir d'un grand nombre d'options contraceptives féminines, l'arsenal des dispositifs destinés aux hommes est encore restreint. La contraception masculine thermique (CTT), développée il y a une trentaine d'années, souffre encore d'un manque de démocratisation médicale contrebalançant l'intérêt croissant des hommes à son égard. Les médecins généralistes, principaux prescripteurs de contraception, ne semblent toujours pas suffisamment informés pour proposer cette alternative à leurs patients. Objectifs : Réalisation d'un état des lieux des connaissances des médecins généralistes de l'AURA (Auvergne Rhône-Alpes) sur la contraception testiculaire thermique. Analyse de leurs représentations sur la CTT et de leur motivation à bénéficier d'informations supplémentaires. Matériel et méthode : Réalisation d'une étude descriptive transversale via un auto-questionnaire envoyé par mail aux médecins d'Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes entre juillet 2021 et septembre 2021. L'analyse des résultats a été réalisée à l'aide du logiciel Jamovi avec le test du Chi2. Résultats : Nous avons analysé 153 réponses. Parmi ces réponses 30,1% des médecins semblent connaître la CTT ; plus particulièrement sous forme de sous-vêtement (29,1% versus 17,9% pour l'anneau). Le lieu d'exercice, la réalisation de formations complémentaires en lien avec la contraception et le mode d'exercice (centre de planification ou d'orthogénie) ont un lien statistiquement significatif avec la connaissance de la CTT auprès des médecins interrogés. Après présentation d'une information brève et synthétique, 94.6% d'entre eux montrent un intérêt pour des informations complémentaires et 53.5% se sentent prêts à la proposer à leur patients. On peut souligner que 51.3% sont favorables à la vulgarisation de la CTT, afin que cette dernière soit proposée aux patients au même titre que les contraceptifs féminins. Conclusion : La contraception masculine est un sujet motivant de nombreux essais cliniques, nationaux et internationaux. Même si la plupart sont encore au stade expérimental, les résultats sont prometteurs. En réponse à une demande croissante des patients, les médecins généralistes seraient prêts à accompagner les projets de CTT, sous couvert d'informations complémentaires et de preuves scientifiques solides.

Introduction: Despite the existence of a wide range of contraceptive options, the increase in number of abortions reflects the need to provide new contraceptive solutions and to place the couple at the heart of the debate. In contrast to the large number of contraceptive options for women, the arsenal of devices for men is still limited. Thermal male contraception, developed 30 years ago, still suffers a lack of medical democratization which counterbalances with men's growing interest in it. Yet, General Practitioners, who are the main prescribers of contraception, do not seem sufficiently informed to offer this alternative to their patients. Objectives: To carry out an inventory of the knowledge of General Practitioners about thermal testicular contraception in the AURA region. Analysis of their representations of thermal testicular contraception (TTC) and their motivation to benefit from additional information. Material and method: Realization of a quantitative cross-sectional study of descriptive type via a questionnaire sent by mail to the physicians or distributed by the CDOM in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes between July 2021 and September 2021. The results were analyzed using the Jamovi software with the Chi2 test. Results: We included 153 responses in the analysis. Among these, 30.1% of doctors appeared to be aware of the TTC, most notably in the form of the undergarment (29.1% versus 17.9% for the ring). The location of practice, additional training courses about contraception and the mode of practice (planning or orthogenetic center) all have a statistically significant link with the knowledge of the TTC among the doctors questioned. After presenting them a brief and synthetic piece of information, 94.6% showed an interest in additional information and 53.5% felt ready to suggest it to their patients. We can underline that 51.3% are in favor of popularizing TTC, so that it could be suggested to patients the same way female contraceptives are. Conclusion: Male contraception is a topic that motivates a number of national and international clinical trials. Although still in the experimental stage, the results are promising. In response to the increasing demand of patient, General Practitioners would be willing to support TTC projects, provided that additional information and solid scientific evidence are available. ; Introduction : Malgré l'existence d'un panel contraceptif important, la progression du nombre d'IVG traduit la nécessité de proposer de nouvelles solutions de contrôle de leur fertilité aux couples. En miroir d'un grand nombre d'options contraceptives féminines, l'arsenal des dispositifs destinés aux hommes est encore restreint. La contraception masculine thermique (CTT), développée il y a une trentaine d'années, souffre encore d'un manque de démocratisation médicale contrebalançant l'intérêt croissant des hommes à son égard. Les médecins généralistes, principaux prescripteurs de contraception, ne semblent toujours pas suffisamment informés pour proposer cette alternative à leurs patients. Objectifs : Réalisation d'un état des lieux des connaissances des médecins généralistes de l'AURA (Auvergne Rhône-Alpes) sur la contraception testiculaire thermique. Analyse de leurs représentations sur la CTT et de leur motivation à bénéficier d'informations supplémentaires. Matériel et méthode : Réalisation d'une étude descriptive transversale via un auto-questionnaire envoyé par mail aux médecins d'Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes entre juillet 2021 et septembre 2021. L'analyse des résultats a été réalisée à l'aide du logiciel Jamovi avec le test du Chi2. Résultats : Nous avons analysé 153 réponses. Parmi ces réponses 30,1% des médecins semblent connaître la CTT ; plus particulièrement sous forme de sous-vêtement (29,1% versus 17,9% pour l'anneau). Le lieu d'exercice, la réalisation de formations complémentaires en lien avec la contraception et le mode d'exercice (centre de planification ou d'orthogénie) ont un lien statistiquement significatif avec la connaissance de la CTT auprès des médecins interrogés. Après présentation d'une information brève et synthétique, 94.6% d'entre eux montrent un intérêt pour des informations complémentaires et 53.5% se sentent prêts à la proposer à leur patients. On peut souligner que 51.3% sont favorables à la vulgarisation de la CTT, afin que cette dernière soit proposée aux patients au même titre que les contraceptifs féminins. Conclusion : La contraception masculine est un sujet motivant de nombreux essais cliniques, nationaux et internationaux. Même si la plupart sont encore au stade expérimental, les résultats sont prometteurs. En réponse à une demande croissante des patients, les médecins généralistes seraient prêts à accompagner les projets de CTT, sous couvert d'informations complémentaires et de preuves scientifiques solides.

Drawing on analytical frameworks proposed in recent scholarship on women's political representation, this article studies the archetypal case of the bancada femenina (women's caucus) in the Uruguayan Parliament from 2000-2010 in order to identify and analyse the possibilities and challenges posed by multiparty initiatives among female members of Parliament for achieving women's substantive representation. The article explores how the different dimensions of representation –descriptive, substantive and symbolic– interact in the composition, functioning, actions and discourse of this collective actor, and evaluates how factors relating to both agency and institutional contexts and conjunctures inform the substantive representation of women in the Uruguayan case. ; En el marco de los debates contemporáneos sobre la representación política de las mujeres, este artículo se propone a estudiar la bancada femenina en el Parlamento uruguayo en el período 2000-2010 para identificar y analizar a partir de este caso arquetípico en la región las posibilidades y desafíos que plantean las iniciativas de articulación multipartidaria para lograr la representación sustantiva de las mujeres. El análisis explora cómo las distintas dimensiones de la representación –descriptiva, sustantiva y simbólica– se articulan en la composición, funcionamiento, actuación y discurso de este actor colectivo, y evalúa cómo inciden tanto la agencia de diferentes actores/as, como factores contextuales institucionales y coyunturales en la representación sustantiva de las mujeres en el caso uruguayo.

This essay aims to analyze populism in Venezuela in terms of representational systems (visual, hearing, kinesthetic), developed by the psychoneurolinguistics as sociopolitical category of interaction and recurrent in speeches and practice, political campaigns, among others, especially in the last decade of the socialist revolutionary government. The methodology applied was documentary, descriptive type. The essay high lights how through populism in Venezuela it has been possible to hold captive a particular social group through populist speeches, using the technique of neurolinguistic programming considering representation systems from the conscious, as a natural state and the subconscious under the cognitive influence, according to the basic emotions and mood to achieve the desired objectives. ; El presente ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar el populismo en Venezuela en cuanto a los sistemas de representación (visual, auditiva, kinestésica o cinestésica), desarrollados por la psiconeurolingüística como categoría sociopolítica de interacción y practica recurrente en discursos, campañas políticas entre otros; en especial en la última década del gobierno. La metodología empleada es de tipo documental, descriptiva. El ensayo destaca como a través del populismo en Venezuela se ha logrado mantener cautivo a un grupo social determinado a través de los discursos populistas, utilizando la técnica de la programación neurolingüística considerando los sistemas de representación desde el consciente, como estado natural y el subconsciente bajo la influencia cognitiva, según las emociones básica y estado de ánimo para obtener el objetivo deseado.