Suchergebnisse

"The Descriptive Representation of Women in Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Argues that descriptive representatives (persons who typify the larger class of the people they stand for) are better able to serve their constituents in situations of communicative distrust or uncrystallized interests. The functions & benefits of descriptive representation are examined. Contexts in which communication between representative & constituents is likely to be undermined by mistrust are described, along with circumstances in which horizontal communication among representatives serves to crystallize legislative issues. It is maintained that there are two forms of descriptive representation: the "microcosmic" form, in which the entire assembly is designed to form a representative sample of the electorate; & the "selective" form, in which institutional design is intended to give selected legislative groups greater descriptive representation in order to bring proportions of those groups closer to their percentages in the population. The costs & benefits of both forms are analyzed. It is concluded that descriptive representation is not always necessary & should be evaluated in terms of whether the benefits exceed the costs. J. Lindroth

"Legislatures and Representation in Latin American Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Looks at substantive versus descriptive minority representation initially via the state of Georgia's plan to redraw voting areas prior to the 2002 elections as a means of redistributing black voters, who typically vote Democrat, throughout numerous voting districts heavily filled with Republican voters. Prior to doing so, preclearance from the Department of Justice was necessary, as laid out in section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, was quickly denounced by John Ashcroft, & ultimately fought in court. From this expands to the wider questions of substantive & descriptive representation generally, & minority electability & congressional legislation of minority-supported issues, including those of Hispanics, between the years 1974 & 2000, including methodology of data collection & analysis. As part of including Hispanics, looks at this minority group both separately from African-Americans, & too, the two groups collectively, to determine points of differentiation, similarity, & of general interest. Proceeds by trying to understand how districts would be redrawn to maximize minority representation substantively & descriptively, while concluding that, amongst other things, blacks now can be elected in the south more easily than before the implementation of the VRA, whereas the same is untrue for Hispanics. Figures, Appendixes, References. J. Fullmer

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

This article examines the negotiation phase on two levels: First, it assesses domestic organising, the processes of adopting a negotiating position and the relevant actors involved. By a comparative analysis of the experiences from Estonia, Slovenia and Hungary, "best management" practises will be condensed. These are subsequently applied to Croatian negotiation management in order to identify potential problems. In a second step, the findings will be put into the wider context of the political consequences of the negotiation strategy, providing recommendations for alternative modes of domestic organising. It will be argued that the Croatian negotiation structure is streamlined in order to match ambitions to complete negotiations in a very short time. However, this institutional set-up concentrates one-dimensionally on executive expertise and reinforces problems in domestic representation and legitimisation. It therefore fails to accommodate to new strategic developments like enlargement-fatigue in the European Union and "euro-fatigue" in Croatia.

Draws on interviews with leadership, textual analysis, & participant observation to examine the extent to which the conservative Concerned Women for America (CWA) & the Independent Women's Forum (IWF) rely on the gender identity-political representation relationship in pursuit of their goals. An overview of the CWA & IWF is provided, highlighting their essentialist worldviews, & variations in their conservative ideologies are illustrated. The concepts of descriptive & substance representation underpin a discussion of the forms that gender identity take in theses organizations' efforts. It is contended that their representational approach hinges on the fact that they are countermovement women's organizations; ie, they employ the successful strategies of their opponents: feminists. In competing with feminists over who legitimately represents women, the CWA & IWF co-opt the feminist strategies of collective action & positioning women in leadership roles; making representative claims as women is critical to them. Gender identity is thus salient to these groups; however, as countermovement organizations, invocation of gender identity is mediated by other influences. The CWA's & IWF's engagement in feminist strategies & need to appeal to conservative constituencies clash, producing paradoxes in their identity politics. At times, both organizations eschew gender identity in favor of a conservative ideology that, eg, criticizes the identity-interest relationship. Appealing to gender identity allows the CWA & IWF to legitimate their representation of women's interests & to challenge feminists, while at the same time supporting the feminist contention that women's issues & interests are politically relevant. J. Zendejas