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Intro -- Women in Mexican Subnational Legislatures -- From Descriptive to Substantive Representation -- Copyright -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 Research -- 1.2 Plan of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: They Have the Seats, But Not the Power: The Argument -- 2.1 Political Representation: A Multifaceted Conundrum -- 2.2 Institutions, Feminist Neo-institutionalism, and Gender Representation -- 2.3 Understanding Women's Legislative Representation: Dimensions of Analysis -- 2.3.1 The Formal Dimension of Legislative Representation -- 2.3.2 The Descriptive Dimension of Legislative Representation -- 2.3.3 The Symbolic Dimension of Legislative Representation -- 2.3.4 The Substantive Dimension of Legislative Representation -- 2.4 Factors Explaining Women's Political Representation -- 2.4.1 Political-Institutional Variables -- 2.4.2 Socioeconomic Variables -- 2.4.3 Attitudinal Variables -- 2.4.4 Variables of the Representation (Interactions Between the Dimensions of the Representation) -- 2.5 Methodology: Proposals for Measuring and Explaining Political Representation from a Multidimensional Perspective -- 2.5.1 Case Selection -- 2.5.2 Objectives, Questions, Method, Hypotheses, and Data -- 2.6 Argument and Contribution -- References -- Chapter 3: The Long and Winding Road to Gender Parity in Mexican Congresses -- 3.1 All Politics Is Local! -- 3.2 A Thorny Path: The Evolution of the Federal Gender Electoral Regime in Mexico -- 3.3 Advances and Setbacks in the Construction of the Gender Electoral Regime in the Mexican States -- 3.4 Multilevel, Multi-Stakeholder, and Multi Strategic: Parity in Mexican Congresses -- References -- Personal Interview -- Chapter 4: Why Do Some State Congresses Have More Female Legislators than Others?.

Women and British Party Politics examines the characteristics of women's participation at the mass and elite level in contemporary British politics; as voters, party members and elected representatives respectively. It explores what this means for ideas about, and the practice of, descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation. The main focus is on the feminization of British party politics - the integration of women into formal political institutions and the integration of women's concerns and perspectives into political debate and policy - in the post-1997 period.>

The Problem of Thomas Hobbes -- Formalistic Views of Representation -- "Standing For": Descriptive Representation -- "Standing For": Symbolic Representation Representing as "Acting For": The Analogies -- The Mandate-Independence Controversy -- Representing Unattached Interests: Burke -- Representing People Who Have Interests: Liberalism -- Political Representation

This handbook offers a state-of-the-art assessment of the functioning of political representation in liberal democracies. In 34 chapters the world's leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation address 8 broad themes: the concept and theories of political representation, its history and the main requisites for its development; elite orientations and behaviour; descriptive representation; party government and representation; non-electoral forms of political participation and how they relate to political representation; the challenges to representative democracy originating from the growing importance of non-majoritarian institutions and social media; the rise of populism and its consequences for the functioning of representative democracy; the challenge caused by economic and political globlisation.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES -- PREFACE -- ONE Introduction -- PART I: BLACK AND LATINO DESCRIPTIVE REPRESENTATION -- TWO The History of Black and Latino Representation -- THREE The Election of Black and Latino Representatives -- PART II: BLACK AND LATINO SUBSTANTIVE REPRESENTATION -- FOUR African-American and Latino Representation -- FIVE Race and Representation -- SIX Racial Redistricting and Public Policy -- SEVEN The Outlook for the Future -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- INDEX

"Combining data from nearly 100 interviews with national parliamentarians from ten Asian countries, the contributors to this book analyze and evaluate the advancement of gender equality in Asia. As of the year 2022, no country in Asia has gender parity in its parliament. Meanwhile the proportion of national level women parliamentarians in Asia averages a mere 20%. What is more important than simple descriptive representation, however, is whether outcomes for women are improving. Rather than focusing on numerical representation, the chapters in this book focus on substantive representation of women. In other words, what do women and men parliamentarians do to advance women's well-being and gender equality? Using semi-structured interviews, each chapter author examines these efforts in the context of a specific Asian country. The case studies include Bangladesh, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, the Philippines, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and Timor-Leste. An essential resource for scholars and students of Asian politics and the politics of gender"--

It's a platitude – which only a philosopher would dream of denying – that whereas words are connected to what they represent merely by arbitrary conventions, pictures are connected to what they represent by resemblance. The most important difference between my portrait and my name, for example, is that whereas my portrait and I are connected by my portrait's resemblance to me, my name and I are connected merely by an arbitrary convention. The first aim of this book is to defend this platitude from the apparently compelling objections raised against it, by analysing depiction in a way which reveals how it is mediated by resemblance. It's natural to contrast the platitude that depiction is mediated by resemblance, which emphasises the differences between depictive and descriptive representation, with an extremely close analogy between depiction and description, which emphasises the similarities between depictive and descriptive representation. Whereas the platitude emphasises that the connection between my portrait and me is natural in a way the connection between my name and me is not, the analogy emphasises the contingency of the connection between my portrait and me. Nevertheless, the second aim of this book is to defend an extremely close analogy between depiction and description. The strategy of the book is to argue that the apparently compelling objections raised against the platitude that depiction is mediated by resemblance are manifestations of more general problems, which are familiar from the philosophy of language. These problems, it argues, can be resolved by answers analogous to their counterparts in the philosophy of language, without rejecting the platitude. So the combination of the platitude that depiction is mediated by resemblance with a close analogy between depiction and description turns out to be a compelling theory of depiction, which combines the virtues of common sense with the insights of its detractors.

One of the dilemmas posed by descriptive representation is whether it might generate an excessive focus on who the representative is, rather than on what s/he does, thus foregoing the importance of substantive representation. As such, various scholars have argued that descriptive representation needs an accountability mechanism to ensure that the representative does indeed pursue the interests of the minority group s/he represents. In this respect, most academic analyses agree that elections represent the most important mechanism of accountability. By making use of evidence from Romania, I argue that elections are a necessary but not sufficient condition for accountability, and that further mechanisms are needed to ensure the adequate representation of the interests of national minorities. The argument applies in particular to small, geographically dispersed minorities, which - as shown by evidence from Romania - face the highest challenges in holding to account their representatives. To do so, I first unravel the concept of political accountability as defined in the academic literature, then assess the accountability mechanisms (or lack thereof) embedded in the arrangements for descriptive representation of national minorities in Romaniam, and finally discuss their practical consequences for the representation of these groups. I conclude that due to ineffective vertical and horizontal accountability mechanisms, political representation of small national minorities in Romania remains 'captured' by a closed circle of political elites, so that presently it is extremely difficult for their constituencies to remove them from leadership should they so desire. (ECMI)

Combining data from nearly 100 interviews with national parliamentarians from ten Asian countries, the contributors to this book analyze and evaluate the advancement of gender equality in Asia. As of the year 2022, no country in Asia has gender parity in its parliament. Meanwhile, the proportion of national-level women parliamentarians in Asia averages a mere 20%. What is more important than simple descriptive representation, however, is whether outcomes for women are improving. Rather than focusing on numerical representation, the chapters in this book focus on the substantive representation of women. In other words, what do women and men parliamentarians do to advance women's well-being and gender equality? Using semi-structured interviews, the author of each chapter examines these efforts in the context of a specific Asian country. The case studies include Bangladesh, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, the Philippines, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and Timor-Leste. The book is an essential resource for scholars and students of Asian politics and the politics of gender.

1. Introduction : the puzzle of legislative service by women of color -- 2. Geographical variation, the gender gap, and intersecting theories of representation -- 3. Mapping the terrain : descriptive representation at the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity -- 4. Geographical variation at the intersection -- 5. Gender gaps at the intersection -- 6. Conclusion : representation at the intersections.

"While there is a vast literature on women's political interests, there is hardly any consensus about what constitutes "women's interests" or how scholars should approach studying them. Representation can occur in various venues or by various actors, but, due to power imbalances across political groups, it is not always realized in any substantive way. The essays in this book constitute a broad and geographically comparative move toward defining new and unified theoretical orientations to studying representation among women. Representation involves not only getting group members into government, but also articulating group interests and translating those interests into policy. Because competing groups have different policy preferences and act out of self-interest, representation of historically marginalized groups is a contentious, contingent process that is likely to ebb and flow. The book begins with a theoretical positioning of the meaning of women's interests, issues and preferences. It considers the need to add nuance to how we conceive of and study intersectionality and the dangers of stretching the meaning of substantive representation. It then looks at descriptive representation in political parties, high courts, and legislatures, as well as how definitions of "interest" affect who represents women in legislatures and social movements. The book concludes by suggesting testable propositions and avenues for future research to enhance understanding about representation of women and of other historically under-represented groups. Chapters include cases from the United States, Latin America, Western Europe and Africa"--

Brazil's quality of democracy remains limited by enduring obstacles including the weakness of parties and underrepresentation of marginalized groups. Party Institutionalization and Women's Representation in Democratic Brazil theorizes the connections across those problems, explaining how weakly institutionalized and male-dominant parties interact to undermine descriptive representation in Brazil. This book draws on an original multilevel database of 27,653 legislative candidacies spanning six election cycles, over 100 interviews, and field observations from throughout Brazil. Wylie demonstrates that more inclusive participation in candidate-centered elections amidst raced-gendered structural inequities relies on institutionalized parties with the capacity to support women, and the will, heralded by party leadership, to do so. The book illustrates how women leaders in Brazil's more institutionalized parties enable white and Afro-descendant female aspirants to navigate the masculinized terrain of formal politics. It enhances our understanding of how parties mediate electoral rules, as well as institutional and party change in the context of weak but robustly gendered institutions.

This text adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures.