Suchergebnisse

Multilateralism has been low on the American foreign policy agenda during the Bush-administration, but many Europeans seem to think that this will change after the upcoming elections. This might be right, but the changes will not reflect European desires. This article starts out by debunking some prevalent European myths about US politics. This is followed by a discussion of the central aspects of American foreign policy thought, & how the presidential candidates reappraise historical themes. In the last part of the article, American neo-sovereignty is contrasted with European post-sovereignty & the conclusion spells out some of the dilemmas facing them both. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

(Originally published in History and Theory, 1987, 26, 1-29.) It is postulated that, despite the best efforts of professional historians, there is no way of inventing a direct assessment of historical events. In fact, the professional standards of historians' honesty & professionalism are measured against the very conventions that include or exclude certain aspects of historical events. Even the thickest synchronic or quantified description must be understood by its readers as an excerpt from an explicit or implicit narrative. The desire for a source of an unprocessed story is a futile, frustrating effort, since all historical texts or materials are part of a society's cultural system. Adapted from the source document.

Does science think or does it not think, this traditionally philosophical dilemma has today become, according to the central thesis of this essay, inherent to science itself. The author argues that it is in the interest of contemporary science itself to affirm itself as thought. It is precisely this perspective of science as thought which implies the ethical dimension of science. This is not to be understood in the sense of the necessity of some prohibitive instance such as an ethical demand, but rather in the sense that science, for its own internal reasons, should not give up regarding its desire: to be, both, an experiment of thought & a condition for thought. Only by being useful for thought can science be useful for something else. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines whether the thesis of classical realism that political states are primarily motivated by the desire for military and economic power applies to the British Empire (1815-1914). The article questions to what extent the emergence of the British Empire (1815-1914) was driven by Britain's foreign policy to alter existing power structures in international relations. The article offers an overview of pre-imperial, imperial, and post-imperial strategies within the theory classical realism, and then applies these strategies to analyze the pre-imperial (1600-1815), imperial (1815-1914) period of the British Empire. A discussion of the post-imperial period focuses on Britain's maintenance of status quo and its alliance with the U.S. The article concludes that the theory of classical realism in international relations is useful to the discussion of the emergence, use, and maintenance of political power of the British Empire (1814-1915). This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

This article analyzes US & Chinese policy & strategy in the Middle East, with focus on energy resources, market, investment, & policy shaping. United States engagement in Iraq & other initiatives to control political conditions in the Middle East are here considered to be intimately connected with the US desire to stabilize oil supply. However, as US involvement in Iraq has failed to produce satisfactory results in terms of stability & security, & as the US appears ever more intent upon escalating conflict with Iran, the surety of American intention & outcome in the region remains highly tenuous. As such, China holds an extremely important position with regards not only to its friendly relationship with Iran, but also with its massive stake in the American economy. The race to secure international oil supply is traced here to illustrate the Middle East as the volatile supplier, the United States as a potentially zealous military & financial power, & China as a potential wildcard that can radically influence the developments of all actors in this conflict. References. C. Brunski

In Dec 1953 after Krushchev criticized the Soviet Press, a campaign was begun in the USSR which showed that the newspapers were generally offering nothing more to the reader than official communiques & were not sources of news. The reasons for this change in attitude toward the press were due, on the one hand, to the fact that the diminishing interest in the press was reducing its effectiveness as a weapon of the Party, & on the other, to the desire that the process of liberalization, thought to be inevitable, should be conducted within the framework of the party & not outside of it. Despite important developments in the way of news, the Party never relinquished control over the press, a fact which became obvious when no mention was made of the happenings in Hungary until long after those events had occurred. 2 obstacles oppose themselves to the development of newsworthy characteristics in the Soviet Press: all news must necessarily contribute to the improvement of the reader; the press was created in connection with admin've agencies, pol'al & union groups, & remains extremely specialized. This specialization led inevitably to uniformity since, outside its own field, the newspapers merely quoted the same articles verbatim. The reform took place while stating that neither the structure nor the objectives of the press needed to be modified. The change dealt mainly with those things which might be considered informative or dangerous. A certain number of problems were dealt with in the area of internat & internal problems & objectivity was increased. Furthermore, writers were no longer content to simply supply eulogies on the activities of their enterprises but engaged in criticisms. Finally, the number of letters from readers increased, & the tone of criticism became more apparent. An effort to improve the presentation of news & to introduce a wider variety of such news has been attempted, but so far is a long way from being greatly effective. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

V magistrskem delu se osredotočamo na raziskovanje vloge in pomena podobe ter ugleda političnih akterjev v kontekstu sodobne demokracije. Podobo in ugled vidimo kot dve izmed ključnih determinant, na osnovi katerih se nekonsistentni in neodvisni volivci ter državljani nasploh odločajo, komu nameniti svoj glas na volitvah in zvestobo v daljšem časovnem obdobju. Dejstvo je, da se sodobni volivci distancirajo od političnih strank in sledijo bolj kratkoročnim vzgibom presoje kot na primer podobi, osebnosti in uspešnosti političnega akterja. Sodobna demokracija je tako v 21. stoletju doživela razpotje, hkrati smo priča politični pasivnosti državljanov. Politični akterji se zato vedno bolj obračajo k orodjem političnega marketinga za mobilizacijo državljanov z namenom, da si izborijo zmago na volitvah in se v politični areni obdržijo daljše časovno obdobje. Politični marketing uporabljajo za identifikacijo volivčevih potreb in želja, na osnovi katerih nato (iz)gradijo podobo in ugled političnega akterja. Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, kakšno vlogo in pomen ima izgradnja podobe in ugleda političnih akterjev v različnih pristopih političnega marketinga ter v sodobni demokraciji, spoznati trende sodobne demokracije, ki se osredotočajo na personalizacijo politike, znotraj katere bomo analizirali pomen podobe in ugleda, teorije in modele (iz)gradnje podobe in ugleda ter ponudili sistematičen model (iz)gradnje podobe in ugleda, ki ga je mogoče aplicirati v praksi. Na tem področju namreč zaznavamo manko raziskovanj, saj večina avtorjev priznava pomembnost podobe političnega akterja pri volivčevi izbiri, hkrati pa zanemarja konceptualno razumevanje, kako se podoba sploh (iz)gradi ter katere tehnike in strategije se uporabljajo v tem postopku. ; In the master's thesis, we focus on exploring the role and importance of the image and reputation of political actors in the context of modern democracy. We see the image and reputation as two of the key determinants, based on which inconsistent and independent voters and citizen generally decide to whom to give their vote at the elections and loyalty in a longer period of time. It is a fact that modern voters distance themselves from political parties and follow more short-term decision-making motives, like image, personality and success of the political actor. In the 21st century, modern democracy is thus at a crossroads because we are witnessing political passiveness. Political actors thus increasingly turn to political marketing tools for the mobilization of citizen in order to win the elections and remain in the political arena for a longer period of time. They use political marketing to identify the needs and desires of voters, based on which they then build the image and reputation of the political actor. The goal of the master's thesis is to find out the role and importance of building the image and reputation of political actors (in different approaches of political marketing) in modern democracy, identify the trends of modern democracy with focus on policy personalization, within which we will analyse the importance of image and reputation, theories and models for image and reputation building and offer a systematic model for image and reputation building, which can be applied in practice. In this field, we namely perceive a lack of researches, since the majority of authors recognize the importance of the image of the political actor in the voter's decision-making process, but neglect the conceptual understanding how the image is even built and which techniques and strategies are being used in this procedure.

V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.

V zadnjih desetletjih je opaziti močan porast neposrednih investicij v mednarodnem okolju. Zaradi ugotovljenih številnih pozitivnih učinkov, ki jih imajo na državo prejemnico, je v razvitih državah in državah v razvoju posledično prišlo do liberalizacije politike do TNI in zmanjševanja regulativnih ovir na številnih področjih, predvsem z namenom oblikovanja prijaznega poslovnega okolja za tuje investitorje in željo privabiti čim več investicij v državo. Zelo dober primer so države Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope, v katerih je prav na ta račun v zadnjem desetletju prišlo do močnega porasta TNI. To lahko opazimo še posebej na Češkem, Poljskem in Madžarskem. Slovenija pa je kljub svoji razvitosti po drugi strani država, kjer so prilivi vhodnih TNI še vedno zelo skromni. Cilj magistrske naloge je bil ugotoviti, katere so tiste pomanjkljivosti in prednosti slovenskega okolja v primerjavi s konkurenčnimi državami SVE regije, ki odvračajo tuje investitorje od Slovenije. Zanimalo nas je tudi, kako s politiko do TNI, ki jo izvaja država za privabljanje tujih investitorjev ugotovljene pomanjkljivosti popraviti. Politika do TNI, oziroma konkretneje, spodbude, ki jih vlada pripravlja za privabljanje TNI, so šele sekundarnega pomena pri odločanju investitorjev za določeno državo. Te pridejo do izraza, ko se investitorji odločajo med makroekonomsko podobnimi državami, ki že zadostijo njihovim primarnim tržnim potrebam. Kljub temu pa so z vidika države spodbude tisti instrument, s katerim je mogoče relativno hitro in enostavno povečati konkurenčnost poslovnega okolja ali privabiti investitorje v določene panoge. Zato predstavlja pomembno orodje pri izboljševanju elementov investicijske klime. Ugotovili smo, da v Sloveniji kljub majhnemu trgu največje pomanjkljivosti niso v tržnih dejavnikih (kot so dostop do trga ali naravnih virov), temveč v dejavnikih investicijske klime, predvsem ekonomsko-regulatornega okolja države ter podpore podjetništvu. Analizirane države se soočajo z nekaterimi zelo podobnimi ovirami, kot so administrativne ovire za tuje investitorje, nezaupanjem v vlado ter rigidnostjo trga delovne sile. V Sloveniji močno izstopajo še slabo makroekonomsko okolje, visoko obdavčenje delovne sile ter težavno pridobivanje dodatnih virov financiranja. Vendar ima Slovenija na drugi strani zelo kvalitetno delovno silo, inovativno moč, dobro kvaliteto življenja ter dokaj enostavno poslovanje v primerjavi z izbranimi državami, kar povečuje njeno konkurenčnost. Državne spodbude v Sloveniji so naravnane v smeri odpravljanja ugotovljenih tržnih pomanjkljivosti, vendar so te zastavljene preveč široko in so posledično neprilagodljive dejanskim potrebam investitorjev. Z njihovo primerjavo smo ugotovili, da bi jih bilo smiselno prestrukturirati v smeri individualnih paketov spodbud, večjega deleža povratnih sredstev ter jih ciljno usmeriti na nekaj ključnih področij. Zavedati se moramo, da državne spodbude same po sebi ne bodo naredile bistvene spremembe. Lahko pa s ciljno usmerjenim pristopom države in skupaj s preoblikovanjem ostalih elementov poslovnega okolja izboljšajo konkurenčnost in vplivajo na to, da Slovenija postane privlačnejša država za mednarodne investicijske projekte. ; Over the last decades there has been a sharp increase of the direct investments in international environment. In the developed and developing countries the process of liberalisation of policy towards FDI and the reduction of regulatory obstacles have been made in many areas due to numerous established positive effects which have impacted the recipient country. In particular, the aim is to create a friendly business environment for foreign investors and a desire to attract the largest possible number of investments to the country. A very good example of this practice are countries of the Central and Eastern Europe in which there has been an increase of FDI in the last decade. That was observed particularly in the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary. On the other hand, despite its development, Slovenia is the country where the inflows of the inward FDI are still very modest. The purpose of the thesis was to determine which are these weaknesses and strengths of the Slovene environment in comparison with competitive countries of the CEE region, which discourage foreign investors from Slovenia. We were interested in knowing if these weaknesses can be improved with Slovenian policy toward FDI. The policy towards FDI or more specifically the incentives established by the Government to attract FDI are only of secondary importance in choosing investors for a particular country. These incentives become important when the investors decide between similar macroeconomic countries that already meet their primary market needs. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the state, the incentives are the instrument that can relatively quickly and easy increase the competitiveness of the business environment or attract investors to certain sectors. Therefore, it represents an important tool in improving elements of the investment's climate. We have noted that the biggest shortcomings in Slovenia are present in the factors of investment's climate and not in the market factors. Analysed countries are facing some similar obstacles, such as administrative obstacles for foreign investors, non-confidence to the government and rigidity of the labour market. In Slovenia there is a strong stand out of poor macroeconomic environment, higher taxation of labour and additional funding sources which are difficult to obtain. However, Slovenia has, on the other hand, a high quality workforce, innovative strength, good quality of life and fairly simple business in comparison with other countries of matter, which increases its competitiveness. In Slovenia, state incentives go in the direction of eliminating the identified deficiencies in the market. But the setting of these is too wide and consequently inflexible of real needs of investors. By comparing these, we reached findings that it would be reasonable to restructure it in the direction of the individual packages of incentives, with greater proportion of return funds and target them to focus on a few key areas. We need to be aware that state incentives by itself won't make any significant changes. But with more targeted approach of the state and together with the transformation of other elements of the business environment, we can improve the competitiveness and influence on Slovenia becoming more attractive country for international investment projects.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.