Suchergebnisse

Is it really meaningful to talk about "good" science? We hesitate. We desire good (state) science stumbling near a positivist scientific view. We wish for political science theory -- and practice as much as possible to emulate natural science theory and methodology -- to be objective, to look for hard facts, causal relationships, universal laws, and by using the "right" methods to reach the "right" or "true" knowledge and thus make us the "real" knowledge producers. At the same time we believe it is important to keep the discussion on good science not only alive but also always ongoing. Perhaps this is an ongoing discussion about our research efforts and research ideals of what constitutes good science? It is our guiding principle when we formulated the following manifesto for the good of science. Adapted from the source document.

When Anna Johanna Grill travelled from Sweden to England in 1788, she was impressed by the vast array of consumer goods in shops. In her travel diary, she writes how the shopkeepers displayed goods in myriad of ways that fooled people into shopping. How did shops look like in Anna Johanna Grill's hometown Stockholm in the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century? Were there distinctive shopping streets? Who sold goods, who shopped them and what goods were available? How were goods displayed in shops and marketed? How households act in organising their purchases and consumption?
From a microhistorical case studies, this richly illustrated anthology widens the perspective to social, economic and cultural practices in everyday urban life. The chapters demonstrate how shopping streets and shops with their range of silk fabrics, accessories, fashion plates, blacksmithing, wigs and hair pomades not only met the desires of consumers, but also enabled dreams of novel identities and social accession for themselves and their families.

The purpose of this article is to study how Sweden's political parties handled the process of constitutional review from 2004-2008. In particular the analysis examines how parties choose between their office-seeking, policy-seeking and vote-seeking goals and the desire to maintain ultra party agreement. Three expectations are identified: (a) parties' different strategic situations lead them to advocate different long-term goals; (b) different parts' levels will take different stands in order to increase their influence vis-a-vis other levels: (c) party leaderships will try to increase their freedom to negotiate with others by avoiding extensive intra party debates or decisions. The study is based on 30 interviews with representatives closely involved in the constitutional-reform process. The conclusion is that parties have self-interested goals as regards the question of how the political game should be regulated. The conflict between different intra-party levels is also obvious. However, due to party members' disinterest in the constitutional review, party leaders did not need to adopt a variety of strategies to avoid a large scale intra-part debate, It was enough for them to claim that the resulting compromise was actually something of a victory' for each party. Adapted from the source document.

During the year 2007 the Swedish Political Science Society conducted an investigation aimed at determining the degree of gender equality within the field of political science. Toward this end, they focused on universities and colleges. Since conditions of equality are considered to be relatively good among students, this investigation, which builds on earlier equality studies at political science institutions, focuses particularly on conditions at higher (i.e., post-doctorate) levels where disparities still exist. Of particular interest are employment conditions, which can significantly influence men's and women's desire to remain at a particular institution or within their chosen field. While not proposing solutions to problems found, those conducting the study have found that it raises further questions. Among these questions are: What is the gender distribution of persons in trusted positions, including temporary posts? Do women receive, on a par with men, support, including grants, in furthering their academic careers? Finally, the article considers the challenge to equality posed by the fact that, as women are embarking on their careers they are also often starting families, and even the well-educated among them continue to bear a disproportionate burden of the responsibility for care-giving in the home. Adapted from the source document.

"Same-sex love was forbidden by law until 1944, and in culture it continued to be taboo, but it has always existed there. The prohibition created tensions which art and literature could play with. Narratives about forbidden love show this through well-known authors such as Agnes von Krusenstjerna, Maria Sandel, Karin Boye and Frida Stéenhoff, and less well-known ones like Gertrud Almqvist, Margareta Suber, Lydia Wahlström and the pseudonym Elsa Gille. The book investigates literary narratives about women's love for women and the ideas about the forbidden contained in them. What strategies did the authors use to get round the ban on the mention of the topic? Are there any utopian visions of how everything could be arranged in a different and better way? And how does the literature relate to other theories about same-sex love? Berättelser om det förbjudna: Begär mellan kvinnor i svensk litteratur 1900–1935 ("Stories of the Forbidden: Desire between Women in Swedish Literature 1900–1935") is a free-standing continuation of Kärlekshistoria: Begär mellan kvinnor i 1800-talets litteratur ("Love Story: Desire between Women in Nineteenth-century Literature", 2008). Together the books span over 100 years of Swedish literary history, making them the most comprehensive study available in the field in Sweden and Scandinavia.
Eva Borgström is associate professor of comparative literature and lecturer at the Department of Literature, History of Ideas, and Religion at the University of Gothenburg. She has formerly worked at the National Secretariat for Gender Research and the Department of Gender Studies. - Samkönad kärlek var fram till 1944 förbjuden enligt lag och i kulturen var den tabuerad längre än så, men den har ändå alltid funnits där. Förbudet skapade spänningar som konsten och litteraturen kunde spela med. Berättelser om det förbjudna visar detta genom välkända författare som Agnes von Krusenstjerna, Maria Sandel, Karin Boye och Frida Stéenhoff, liksom mindre kända som Gertrud Almqvist, Margareta Suber, Lydia Wahlström och pseudonymen Elsa Gille. Boken undersöker skönlitterära berättelser om kvinnors kärlek till kvinnor och de föreställningar om det förbjudna som finns i dem. Vilka strategier använde författarna för att komma runt yttrandeförbudet? Finns det några utopier om hur allt skulle kunna ordnas på ett annat och bättre sätt? Och hur förhåller sig litteraturen till andra teorier i tiden om samkönad kärlek? Berättelser om det förbjudna. Begär mellan kvinnor i svensk litteratur 1900–1935 är en fristående fortsättning på Kärlekshistoria. Begär mellan kvinnor i 1800-talets litteratur (2008). Tillsammans spänner böckerna över 100 år av svensk litteraturhistoria och utgör därmed den hittills mest omfattande studie på området som finns i Sverige och Norden.
Eva Borgström är docent i litteraturvetenskap och lektor vid Institutionen för litteratur, idéhistoria och religion vid Göteborgs universitet. Tidigare har hon bland annat arbetat på Nationella sekretariatet för genusforskning och Institutionen för genusvetenskap. "

At the centre of this study lies one of the critical questions faced by (late-)modern society, namely that of taking care of the long-lived radioactive waste from nuclear power production. The problems of nuclear waste management are pictured as embracing a complex web of essential issues for society today, in terms of both its capacities and its shortcomings – so called core issues. The principal aim of the thesis is to examine the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, Västerbotten, from a critical discourse analytical perspective, through applying the approach developed by Michel Foucault in The Order of Discourse. During the 1990s, the municipality of Malå played a prominent role as a candidate site for the geological disposal of Sweden's spent nuclear fuel. A five-year process culminated in a local referendum on whether detailed site investigations should be permitted within the community. Following the result no further investigations have been undertaken. The discourse analysis is carried out through a study of opinion formation in the municipality during the period October 1992 to October 1997. Two main types of empirical material have been collected: interviews with opinion leaders (politicians, activists, journalists, information professionals, etc.) and contemporaneous mass media content (the local newspaper and regional television news). In the empirical analysis, a review is made of the workings of the external and internal control mechanisms within the discourse; that is to say, how they serve to set limits on the content and form of the sense-making process concerning nuclear waste management. Important themes in the opinion forming process in Malå include information and expertise, opposition and legitimacy, the centre/periphery relationship and the themes of mistrust, partitioning and rejection. Among other themes identified as being marginalised or absent, one example is the Samish citizens' views on the nuclear question. Four actors play a prominent role as authors of the discourse, namely the nuclear industry, the experts, Greenpeace and the mass media. The voices of resistance groups are also significant. Representatives from authorities and civil servants were most likely to take the commentary role in the discourse, along with journalists. In the concluding analysis of the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, two main types of desire for truth, which form the discourse's main order, are identified. The stronger concerns the will to know, which places the expert with a scientific background as the principal truth-teller. The other is 'ordinary' people's desire, which influences the content and form of the opinion formation. It is also concluded that the mass media institutions play a significant role in this context, not least as mediators. Reflections on contemporary 'core issues' to which the analysis bears witness, such as the crisis of democracy, are also included. In addition, the implications of applying the Foucaultian research programme to a study of the nuclear question have been considered.

Cultural heritage is not just something from the past, but always also reflects contemporary needs and desires. In the Traces of the Cold War describes the making of a diverse and innovative Swedish military heritage. The book shows how memories and material remains from a period characterized by fear and geopolitical tensions are infused with new meanings when bunkers, decommissioned military facilities and technology are transformed into luxury housing, attractive tourist destinations and museum exhibitions.
Through field-visits to military heritage sites across Sweden, the authors examine what material objects, narratives and emotions that today represent the Cold War. These examinations show how military structures and equipment from a time associated with threat and danger become captivating elements of the cultural heritage, while also communicating specific ideas regarding security and protection.
In the Traces of the Cold War takes a novel approach to cultural heritage by relating collective memory-making to security policy. Based on theoretical perspectives from critical heritage studies (CHS) and feminist international relations (IR), the analysis focuses on constructions of national belonging and underlines the role of gender and sexuality in narrations of security and protection.
In a democracy, the subject of military violence must always be a matter of ethical and political conversations. Setting out from this assumption, the authors critically discuss how Cold War heritagisation produces militarization as "natural" and necessary. The book invites reflection on how history is written as well as on what the requirements are for a safe and secure society.
In the Traces of the Cold War presents the results from an interdisciplinary research project. The authors are all researchers at Stockholm University and have written the book together.

This dissertation concerns Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (SKP) [the Swedish Communist Party] – in 1967 renamed Vänsterpartiet kommunisterna (VPK) [the Left Party – the Communists] and in 1990 renamed Vänsterpartiet (V) [the Left Party] – and the Party's process of coming to terms with history and its communist legacy. The aim of the study is to describe and analyse the SKP/VPK/V's process of coming to terms with history for the period 1956-2006, and to set out and problematise the driving forces and constraining mechanisms of this process. The theoretical framework of the study consists of Gunnar Sjöblom's theory about party strategies of political parties in multi-party systems and Michael Freeden's conceptual approach to ideology analysis. During the period of study the SKP/VPK/V has, like no other political party in Sweden, been ascribed historical guilt regarding its own party history but also regarding the effects of world communism. The Party has thus found itself in a situation where it has had history as an adversary. The process of coming to terms with history has mainly revolved around three issues: independence (1956-1977), international ties (1977-1989) and a broadening beyond the communist tradition (1986-2006). The internal debate within the Party has linked these issues to calls for change aimed at ridding the party of what is considered undesirable elements of the Communist legacy. By analysing the arguments pursued in favour of these calls, it is possible to pick out a number of the driving forces behind the Party's process of coming to terms with history, namely an ambition to obtain vote maximisation, programme realisation and maximisation of parliamentary influence. The urge to distance the Party from certain aspects of its communist past has thus been related to fundamental goals that political parties in multi-party systems seek to obtain. The results of the dissertation show that it is possible to pick out five main constraining mechanisms in the Party's process of coming to terms with history. 1) The safeguarding of Party cohesion. 2) The safeguarding of the distinctive character of the Party. 3) The need to resist external pressure. 4) The desire to avoid unfair apportioning of blame. 5) The safeguarding of the right to define the substance of one's own ideology. The existence of these constraining mechanisms help to explain why the process of coming to terms with history lingered on for several decades, and also why it seems to have been a process of such complexity for the Swedish Communist and Post-Communist Party.

The grandiose, but failed, attempts to produce silk in Sweden in the past have been largely ignored by historians. This thesis describes the history of sericulture in Sweden, including three periods of practical trials in 1735-1765, 1830-1898 and 1913-1918. For a long time, the secrets of sericulture were closely guarded in China but by the beginning of the 16th century, knowledge of silk cultivation techniques had reached a number of European countries. The pursuit of domestic silk production was often a costly undertaking instigated by royalty. Since conditions in Sweden and Denmark were partly similar, there was some degree of influence and cooperation between these neighbouring countries. The chapters dealing with attempts at silk production during the 18th century and the history of sericulture in northern Europe are primarily based on printed sources and literature. Several of the 18th century silk farmers documented their experiments, allowing us to follow their efforts and ideas on the feasibility of silk farming in Sweden. The descriptions of the two latter sets of Swedish silk production trials presented in the thesis are primarily based on archive materials, mainly consisting of minutes and annual reports. The history of sericulture in Sweden began in the mid-1730s, when Mårten Triewald conducted experiments and exhaustively described and published these. Carl Linnaeus was a significant influence in Swedish sericulture during this early period. Naturalists were hired as plantation managers and were tasked with supplying the silk industry in Sweden with home-produced raw material. The work was prompted by the desire to find an alternative for the huge Swedish imports of raw silk from China and Southern Europe. However, silk farming never became particularly common, despite the financial incentives available for producing silk and planting mulberry trees during the 1750s in the belief that some 'extravagance' was beneficial for society as a whole. When the 'Hats' position of power ended, so did the financial support for manufacturing luxury goods. Founded in 1830, the Swedish Association for Domestic Sericulture was active for nearly 70 years thanks to foreign influences and the notion that silk farming could be a popular livelihood. Members of the Swedish Royal Family served as patrons and several well-known scientists participated in the projects. The Association furnished mulberry plants and seeds, together with silkworm eggs, most of which were distributed to plantations controlled by the Association or county agricultural societies. However, the Association's annual reports show that many private individuals also planted mulberry trees and some pursued silk farming. Sericulture growing trials were carried out at a number of sites across Sweden, on the initiative of Jacob Berzelius, among others. These trials were mainly funded by Government grants, but numerous wealthy individuals also made contributions to the sericulture venture. Some income was generated by the silk products produced, which were almost solely bought by the Swedish Royal Family. The Swedish Sericulture Association was founded in southern Sweden in 1913 but this third brief foray into sericulture produced few results. All three periods of sericulture trials were initiated by enthusiasts with a firm belief that some silkworm host plants would survive the Nordic climate. There were a number of claims that the white mulberry tree had become acclimatised, but an equal number of cold winters and springs proved the opposite. Ultimately, Swedish sericulture was never economically feasible, since the natural conditions were unfavourable and the output from Swedish silk production was modest, and the cost high, in relation to imported silk. The almost 200-year history of sericulture in Sweden provides an important glimpse into the obsessions and culture of the age, but there were far too many obstacles for the dream of Swedish silk ever to become a reality.

Society and Identity- Developments and Challenges in Swedish Youth Politics in the 1990´s. There are many ways to describe and value young people's interest and engagement in politics. While some defend extraparliamentarian activism as an important road to political engagement, others stress the need for young people to become familiar with the political system. These two contradictory views express a common concern for the importance of involving the young in the political process – this is an issue that the system has to deal with. Should the established political system affirm the youths' active participation and desire to make a change? Is it possible to do this without a loss of respect for democracy? Is it possible to develop democracy without changing it radically Behind these questions, lies the deeper question about how the established democratic system, in practice in the state and municipalities, handle a) the political involvement of youths and b) the transmission of democratic values to new generations. Furthermore, these questions are based on the fundamental assumption that a democratic culture can only be communicated and upheld through processes of political socialization, where norms, knowledge and values are passed on from one generation to the next. In order for this particular kind of communication to succeed, it is crucial that people see their citizenship in a democratic society as an important part of their identity. One of the main functions of the democratic political system is to create and uphold identities and attitudes that are intimately connected to the system itself. Therefore, the political institutions are central actors in the communication process of political socialization. Communication is a paradoxical concept. It is a human activity that everyone is involved in, but few can define unambiguously. Professor James Carey, who analyses the concept in Communication as culture, essays on media and society (1989), introduced the idea of communication as ritual. Although broad in meaning, this definition highlights communication as central in the construction of both society and identity. Society exists and works through the communication between people and because we learn the codes of interaction that exist in the societal context: But, whatever the details of the production and reproduction of social life, it is through communication, through the intergraded relations of symbols and social structure, that societies, or at least those with we are most familiar, are created, maintained, and transformed. In this dissertation, the notion that communication is pivotal in the formation of both society and identities, is fundamental. Communication is the core of democratic development and the passing on of democratic values from one generation to the next. Political socialization is a question of communication processes. Objective and research questions The objective of this dissertation is to investigate how the main actors in the Swedish political system; the state and the municipalities, deal with processes of society- and identity formation. This is achieved through an analysis of the perspectives on political socialization that are expressed by these actors in youth politics in the 1990's. Three main research questions are central in this dissertation: Do the state and the municipalities understand their role in the process of political socialization as mainly hierachical or interactive? How is the role of the youth construed by these actors? Are they seen as active or passive in the process of political socialization? Do these actors regard political socialization chiefly as a matter of continuation or as development? Over the years, political socialization research has generated different views on the youth, democracy development and the political system. Early research tended to regard the youth as a passive group in a hierarchical political system that acted mainly on behalf of it's own preservation. This perspective saw political socialization as a matter of teaching the young to assimilate to the existing political system. Later research has shown that the process is more interactive than was previously thought: youths are influenced, but at the same time they also influence others. This shift in perspective raises questions of how the political system construes the process of political socialization, it's own role in this process, the role the youth and ultimately; how democracy best can be developed. Conclusion The findings of the different studies in this dissertation show an overwhelmingly hierarchical construal of political socialization by the state and the municipalities. The idea of interactivity and development, advocated by later research, is only visible in some of the municipalities. Furthermore, youths are considered as having some political awareness, but this awareness needs to be cultivated through teaching. Therefore, youths are seen as passive receivers in the communicative process of political socialization – and not as active participants. At the same time, –on a rhetorical level–both the state and the municipalities express an ambition to create possibilities for youths to take responsibility and to find their own organizational solutions for political engagement. However, this dissertation also shows that this ambition is nowhere matched by any willingness to change the existing system, if that is what is required in order for the youth to develop own organizational solutions. The state regards the process of political socialization from a perspective of continuation and conservation. Youths are therefore mainly seen as a problem until they have reached a level of political awareness that allows them to function within the existing political system. The municipalities wants to get involved in the political socialization of youths through their "youth-councils", but it is obvious that the main perspective is one of socialization into the existing political system. In order to be able to participate and have influence on decision-making, youths have to learn the form and the language required by the existing political system. It is not, according to the municipalities, the system that needs to change. The state and the municipalities consider youths as mouldable object that also have the ability to participate and shape society. When the states and municipalities' assumptions about the youth's political interests and enthusiasm do not correlate to the youth's, the process of identity-formation becomes paradoxical. A hierarchical system meets young people who do not want to interact with the system. A system aimed at its own continuation and preservation of the existing order, that mainly aims to teach youths to fit into the system, will meet youths who want to create new forms of organizations. Therefore, when the state and municipalities in the ambition of socializing youths into the political system, shut the door to real participation and influence that would mean actual change and development, it is perhaps not so surprising that some youths canalize their political commitment through extraparliamentary activism. On a rhetorical level everyone applauds ideas of development of the political system. But in reality, the state and the municipalities regard this development as challenging when the suggested changes threatens the established order.