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The aim of article was to discuss the philosophy of private deterrence under Iraq's penal code. The methodology adopted was the inductive approach, which helps to extrapolate legal texts with this study and the jurisprudence of legal jurists. The Legislator applies to the threat with punishment the harm and pain that will be inflicted on them if the crime is eaten by law, what is known as public deterrence speech. For its part, the special deterrent will be responsible for reforming the meaning and morality of the offender, following various means provided by the legislature and designing a method of education of the deprived of liberty, allowing them the voluntary work determined by the conditions of each penance conditions or even by the subsequent formal and informal reintegration mechanisms of ex-convictions. It is concluded that these methods and others can contribute significantly to the achievement of the deterrence objectives, which is to reform and evaluate the offender's conduct according to criminal gravity on a case-by-case basis.

La reforma penal de 2015 ha supuesto un endurecimiento de las penas previstas para los delitos relativos a la propiedad intelectual. Ante la falta de un necesario bagaje empírico que guíe la toma de decisiones por parte del legislativo, se hace necesario un análisis de la eficacia empírica de la disuasión a través del aumento de la severidad de las sanciones y a través de la certeza de las sanciones en el ámbito específico de los derechos de autor. El presente trabajo procede a una revisión narrativa del conocimiento empírico sobre la disuasión aplicada a la propiedad intelectual para, seguidamente, incorporar este bagaje empírico al debate político-criminal. Las conclusiones de la presente revisión apuntan a una eficacia baja de la disuasión en materia de propiedad intelectual y sugieren una alta ineficiencia de la puesta en práctica de esta política-criminal. Por tanto, se desaconseja incidir en este paradigma de prevención en favor de otras estrategias más prometedoras para lograr el respeto de los derechos de autor. ; The 2015's amendment of the Spanish Penal Code has implied an increasing in punishment regarding some copyright crimes. Since the legislative branch disregards an empirical approach in the decision-making process about this matter, is needed an empirical analysis about the effectiveness of general deterrence through both an increasing in severity and an increasing in certainty of punishment, in the specific field of Intellectual Property. This narrative revision of studies aims to discuss the empirical knowledge about deterrence as applied to copyright offences and, subsequently, to bring this empirical background to the criminal justice policy debate. The conclusions of the present revision of studies show a modest effectiveness of deterrence in this area at the most, and suggest that implementing deterrence-based strategies might be highly inefficient. It is concluded that another set of more promising prevention strategies should be preferred to the classic deterrence approach.

The article is aimed at studying the selective options, a nuclear weapons employment doctrine launched by the United States in 1974 to reinforce its deterrent position by enabling a limited nuclear war. However, by widening the military gap with the Soviet Union and exploiting its worst fears, the implementation of this doctrine almost caused a nuclear crisis in 1983. Since this constitutes one of the few known nuclear deterrence failures, the study of this historical case may contribute to explaining the working of this process which is regaining its central role in the field of Strategic Studies. The article is divided into two parts: the first theoretical part delves into the literature on deterrence up to the fourth wave of studies on the phenomenon and the consolidation of tailored deterrence models. The second one, as a historical case study, analyzes the selective options. It is argued that this doctrine, in force during the last stage of the Cold War, does not only constitute a proto-model of tailor-made deterrence, but its realization also caused a failure of deterrence that fortunately did not culminate in catastrophe. Even if the few cases of nuclear deterrence failures prevent drawing general conclusions, the article concludes by warning about the contextuality, credibility and relativism of deterrence. ; El artículo estudia lasopciones selectivas,una doctrina de empleo de armas nucleares planteada por Estados Unidos en 1974 para reforzar su postura disuasoria y que posibilitaba una guerra nuclear limitada. Sin embargo, al ampliar la brecha estratégica con la Unión Soviética y explotar sus peores miedos, la implementación de esta doctrina casi provocó una crisis nuclear en 1983. Constituyendo uno de los escasos fallos de disuasión nuclear conocidos, el estudio de este caso histórico puede contribuir a explicar el funcionamiento de este proceso que está volviendo a adquirir un papel central en los estudios estratégicos. El artículo se divide en dos partes: una primera parte teórica profundiza en la literatura sobre la disuasión hasta la actual cuarta ola de estudios sobre este fenómeno y la consolidación de los modelos de disuasión a medida. La segunda, a modo de estudio de caso histórico, tratará sobre las opciones selectivas. Se plantea que esta doctrina vigente durante la última etapa de la Guerra Fría no solo constituye un protomodelo de disuasión a medida, sino que también su ejecución provocó un fallo de disuasión que, afortunadamente, no culminó en catástrofe. Aunque los escasos casos de fallos de disuasión nuclear impiden establecer conclusiones generales, el artículo concluye alertando sobre la contextualidad, credibilidad y relativismo de la disuasión.

Comunicación presentada en 10th Annual IMISCOE Conference, 26-27 August 2013, Malmö (Sweden) ; [ES] A partir de 2006 se ha reducido considerablemente el número de inmigrantes irregulares llegados a las costas españolas por vía marítima tras años de intensas llegadas. Esta reducción se atribuye parcialmente al éxito de las políticas de "lucha contra la inmigración irregular" desplegada por el Gobierno español y la Unión Europea. Nuestra hipótesis de partida es que la lucha contra la inmigración irregular por vía marítima en el caso español se ha articulado a través de una estrategia de disuasión que incorpora tanto el uso de recursos tecnológicos, como la coordinación entre países y la implicación activa de diversos actores nacionales e internacionales. Prestaremos especial atención al alcance y las limitaciones de la tecnología en la creación de los efectos disuasorios. El texto consta de tres apartados. El primero introduce el concepto de disuasión migratoria multinivel y lo contextualiza como objetivo principal de la Gestión Integrada de las Fronteras (IBM por sus siglas en inglés) de los flujos migratorios irregulares en fronteras marítimas. El segundo resume los patrones evolutivos de los flujos de llegadas irregulares a las costas españolas, las operaciones de control fronterizo y las iniciativas emprendidas para reducir las salidas desde los países de origen y la maximización de las readmisiones. El tercer apartado discute el alcance y las limitaciones del empleo de recursos tecnológicos en la reducción de las llegadas marítimas irregulares. ; [EN] After years of massive arrivals, the number of illegal immigrants arriving on Spanish shores by sea dropped considerably starting in 2006. This reduction was due in part to the success of the Spanish government's and the European Union's policies to 'fight illegal immigration'. Our starting hypothesis is that the fight against illegal immigration by sea in Spain's case has involved a strategy of deterrence that incorporates both the use of technology and coordination among countries, along with the active involvement of various public actors both domestically and abroad. We will pay particular attention to the scope and limitations of technology in creating this deterrence effect. This paper has three sections. The first introduces the concept of multi-layered deterrence, contextualising it as the main goal of Integrated Border Management (BM) of illegal migratory flows at maritime borders. The second summarises the evolutionary patterns of arrivals of illegal immigrants to Spain's shores, border control operations and the initiatives undertaken to control the outflow at the countries of origin and to maximise repatriations. The third section discusses the scope and limitations of technology used to stem the number of illegal arrivals by sea. ; Peer reviewed

As a result of the new threats that encompass the complex panorama of the contemporary international system, this paper proposes an analysis of the levels of Colombia's security and defense policy strategy in terms of its alignment and incorporation as a strategic partner of the Organization of the North Atlantic Treaty (NATO). Colombia seeks to position itself in the regional and global geopolitical environment, and with this alliance it intends to become the ideological and strategic pivot in order to strengthen democracy in the hemisphere and counteract the political actions generated from some centers located in the Circum-Caribbean area. The analysis of deterrence and containment tools based on the association with NATO is proposed from the strategic level to conclude which one best fits this multilateral relationship. ; Producto de las nuevas amenazas que engloban el complejo panorama del sistema internacional contemporáneo, el presente trabajo propone un análisis de los niveles de la estrategia de la política de seguridad y defensa de Colombia en cuanto a su alineación e incorporación como socio estratégico de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN). Colombia busca posicionarse en el ambiente geopolítico regional y global, y con esta alianza pretende convertirse en el pivote ideológico y estratégico en aras de fortalecer la democracia en el hemisferio y contrarrestar el accionar político gestado desde algunos centros ubicados en el área del Circuncaribe. Se propone desde el plano estratégico el análisis de las herramientas de la disuasión y la conten-ción en función de la asociación con la OTAN para concluir a cuál se ajusta más esta relación multilateral. ; Como resultado das novas ameaças que abrangem o complexo panorama do sistema internacional contemporâneo, este artigo propõe uma análise dos níveis da estratégia política de segurança e defesa da Colômbia em termos de seu alinhamento e incorporação como parceiro estratégico da Organização do Tratado ...

Durante la Guerra Fría, los activos espaciales disfrutaron de altos niveles de seguridad gracias a los acuerdos de control de armas desarrollados por las dos superpotencias. Sin embargo, terminada la era bipolar y especialmente a partir de la primera década del siglo XXI, la seguridad espacial y los satélites parece verse amenazados a causa de una serie de factores entre los que destaca la entrada de nuevos actores espaciales con importantes capacidades militares. Estas nuevas dinámicas espaciales provocan el replanteamiento de las estrategias de disuasión en un contexto internacional caracterizado por las fuerzas asimétricas. Así, el presente artículo se enfoca en investigar los fundamentos de la disuasión espacial y los aplica al caso concreto de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y China. ; During the Cold War, space assets enjoyed high levels of security as a result of the arms control agreements developed by the two superpowers. However, after the bipolar era concluded and especially since the first decade of the 21st century, space security and satellites appear to be threatened by a number of factors, standing out the entry of new space actors with important military capabilities. These new space dynamics provoke the rethinking of deterrence strategies in an international context characterized by asymmetric forces. Thus, this article focuses on researching the foundations of space deterrence and applies them to the specific case of US-China relations.

The aim is to analyze the views of the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama regarding deterrence, the reduction of nuclear weapons and missile defense. It is argued that both administrations reaffirmed the fundamental role of nuclear weapons for deterrence, committed themselves to reducing nuclear weapons with initiatives for modernization and recognized the importance of missile defense to protect the US and its allies. Such views are related to the ongoing need to expand the flexibility to deal with contemporary threats and maintain diverse options for addressing these challenges. Adapted from the source document.

The present research deals with Colombia's acceptance as "partner across the globe" by the NATO Council, which represents being NATO's ninth global partner and the single country in America to achieve such relevant status. However, beyond this significant event, little is openly known about the agreement and the progress it has made until the present. For this reason, this research seeks to provide valuable information of the progress, commitments and opportunities presented to the Military Forces within the framework of this important alliance. A qualitative methodological approach was applied, using information analysis and triangulation tools, which including inputs from expert staff and data from specialized sources on the subject. Subsequently, the research focuses on the opportunities of the Colombian Air Force under the agreement, considering its distinctive capabilities and deterrent potential. A structured analysis in the DOTMLPF model (Doctrine, Organization, Material and Equipment, Staff, Infrastructure) contrasts the weaknesses, opportunities, strengths and threats (SWOT) of the Colombian Air Force to propose a strategic guideline that enhances the aerial power through deterrence. ; La presente investigación se enmarca en la aceptación de Colombia como "partner across the globe" por parte del Consejo de la OTAN, lo que representa ser el noveno socio global de la OTAN y el único país en América en alcanzar tan relevante estatus. Sin embargo, más allá de este evento significativo, es poco lo que se conoce abiertamente acerca del acuerdo y de los avances que ha tenido hasta el presente. Por tal razón, la presente investigación busca aportar información valiosa sobre los avances, compromisos y oportunidades que se presentan para las Fuerzas Militares en el marco de esta importante alianza. Para el desarrollo de esta, se aplicó un enfoque metodológico de tipo cualitativo, empleando herramientas de análisis y triangulación de la información, que incluyó aportes de personal experto y datos de fuentes especializadas en el tema. Posteriormente, la investigación se enfoca en las oportunidades de la Fuerza Aérea Colombiana en el marco del convenio, considerando sus capacidades distintivas y su potencial disuasivo. Mediante un análisis estructurado en el modelo DOMPI (Doctrina, Organización, Material y Equipo, Personal, Infraestructura), se contrastan las debilidades, oportunidades, fortalezas y amenazas (DOFA) de la Fuerza Aérea Colombiana con el fin de proponer un lineamiento estratégico que potencie el poder aéreo a través de la disuasión. ; Esta pesquisa está situada na aceitação da Colômbia como partner across the globe por parte do Conselho da Otan, o que representa ser o nono sócio global da Otan e o único país na América em atingir tão relevante status. Contudo, mais além desse evento significativo, é pouco o que se conhece abertamente sobre o acordo e os avanços que vem tendo até o presente. Por isso, esta pesquisa pretende contribuir com informações valiosas sobre avanços, compromissos e oportunidades que são apresentados para as Forças Militares no contexto dessa importante parceria. Foi aplicada abordagem metodológica de tipo qualitativo, empregando ferramentas de análise e triangulação de informações, que incluiu contribuições de pessoal especializado e dados de fontes especializadas no tema. Em seguida, a pesquisa se foca nas oportunidades da Força Aérea Colombiana no âmbito do convênio, considerando suas competências distintivas e seu potencial dissuasivo. A partir de uma análise estruturada no modelo Dompi (doutrina, organização, material e equipamento, pessoal, infraestrutura), são comparadas debilidades, oportunidades, fortalezas e ameaças da Força Aérea Colombiana com o objetivo de propor um lineamento estratégico que potencialize o poder aéreo por meio da dissuasão.

The proliferation of ballistic missiles in the Middle East & around the world affects the global security structure. Since there is no credible defense against these lethal arms, preventive action entails their destruction or blocking states from acquiring them in the first place. A study of the Syrian strategy to build up of a critical mass of ballistic missiles against Israel shows that the diffusion of missiles should not only be viewed as a source of threat but also as a means to reinforce deterrence. The potential offensive & defensive capabilities of the Syrian & Israeli missile systems are reviewed. Since the Israeli heartland is still vulnerable to attack, agreement on military borders should be pursued. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The objection raised by Harel and Teichman about following "policy recommendations prescribed by behavioral theorists" by governments, that are intended to lead people to obey penal rules and, hence, to prevent crimes from occurring, may perfectly well be understood as both ethical permissibility and practical usefulness concerns about applying what I will call "criminal-nudging-policies". My purpose in this paper it is not to offer an exhaustive definition of this type of public policy neither to justify their use from an ethical point of view, but to point out some challenges to traditional theories of criminal law from which Harel and Teichman raised such theoretical issues. ; La objeción de Harel y Teichman en contra de que los gobiernos sigan las "recomendaciones de política pública provenientes de los teóricos conductistas", para llevar a la gente a obedecer las reglas penales y, de este modo, para prevenir la ocurrencia de crímenes, puede ser entendida como cuestiones acerca de la permisibilidad ética y la utilidad práctica de aplicarlo que llamaré "política criminal del nudge". Mi propósito en este escrito no es ofrecer una definición exhaustiva de este tipo de política pública ni tampoco justificar su uso desde una perspectiva ética, sino tan solo enunciar algunos retos a las teorías tradicionales del derecho penal en las que Harel y Teichman asientan su objeción.

Colombia suffers from one of the longest civil conflicts in the world, which is believed to have had several consequences on the country's economic and development performance. This study uses measures of central government deterrence effort as instruments of conflict to estimate the impact of conflict on children's time allocation to two different types of work: housework and work performed outside the household for poor families living in small municipalities in Colombia. I find that conflict significantly increases the amount of time children allocate to work. Both housework, for girls, and work outside the household, for boys, increase with Guerrilla attacks. However, the later effect is the opposite for Paramilitary attacks. ; Colombia suffers from one of the longest civil conflicts in the world, which is believed to have had several consequences on the country's economic and development performance. This study uses measures of central government deterrence effort as instruments of conflict to estimate the impact of conflict on children's time allocation to two different types of work: housework and work performed outside the household for poor families living in small municipalities in Colombia. I find that conflict significantly increases the amount of time children allocate to work. Both housework, for girls, and work outside the household, for boys, increase with Guerrilla attacks. However, the later effect is the opposite for Paramilitary attacks. ; Universidad del Rosario

In Israel, there is a struggle between those who support a policy of confrontation or nuclear balance and those who support a policy of reconciliation and regional integration. The former are struggling for agreements based on the traditional principles of deterrence while the latter seek peace agreements intended to create a Middle East free of unconventional weapons. For both policies, Iran's nuclear program is a key issue. this confrontation transgresses the classical distinctions between political parties and ideologies of the right and the left. Theere are operative accords between supporters of opposite ideologies and disputes between supporters of the same ideology. though I will refer exclusively to Israeli policy, it is almost obvious that in this context each faction has its operative "allies" across the national borders, actually even inside Iran. I will confine myself to the analysis of the struggle around the idea of deterrence and the analysis of the argumentative principles leading the two factions, formulating my own interpretive strategy.The goal of this essay is to provide a better understanding of the undercurrents that determine Israeli politics. ; Resumen: En Israel hay una pugna entre quienes sostienen una política de confrontación o de balance nuclear y los que sostienen una política de reconciliación e integración regional. Los primeros bregan por acuerdos que se basen en principios de disuasión. Los últimos buscan soluciones que permitan acuerdos de paz que impidan a largo plazo basar la seguridad en disuasión nuclear a fin de crear un Medio Oriente libre de armas no-convencionales. Para ambas políticas Irán es un país clave. Esta confrontación no es paralela a las clásicas distinciones entre formaciones partidarias que se identifican por ideologías de izquierda o de derecha. Hay coincidencias operativas entre partidarios de ideologías incluso opuestas, y controversias entre partidarios de una misma ideología. Pese a atenerme exclusivamente a la política israelí, es casi obvio que cada ...