Suchergebnisse

El artículo parte de la constatación de la quasi-ausencia de un objeto "diferencia de los sexos" en los debates de la tradición filosófica occidental y se propone como tarea partir de su presencia misma de la cuestión de los sexos en el texto filosófico, de sus modos de aparición; como si se tratase de un fenómeno, sometido a condiciones lógicas de emergencia y desaparición. Trabajar sobre estos modos de aparición permitirá diseñar un campo de reflexión más amplio, quizá, de lo que se imagina. ; The paper starts from the fact of the quasi-absence of an object, "difference of sexes", in the discussions of occidental philosophical tradition. And suggests to work on the ways of apparition of the sexual question in the philosophical text, as it were a phenomenon subjected to logical conditions of emergence and disappearing. To pay attention to these apparition modes will allow us to design a reflection field wider than what is usually imagined.

This article is about politics of difference and sameness that accompany the enactment of globality. Is about the dynamic of the imperial globality and its global regime of coloniality as one of the most salient features of the modern colonial world system in the early twenty-first century. It is also, in a literal sense, about the geopolitics of knowledge. It develops its argument, in part, borrowing from Joan Martinez Alier's definition of political ecology as the study of ecological distribution conficts. It argues that a Eurocentric globality has an obligatory counterpart in the systematic act of encubrimiento del otro. A kind of "global coloniality". Six concepts are key to understand this argument: place, capital, nature, development e identify. Colombia is a theater of this imperial globality.

The three concepts mentioned in the title of my presentation are negative referential concepts, that is, they constitute the rejection or departure from supposedly more basic concepts which are -in this case- those of unity, similarity and equality. If this conceptual approach is admitted, I think that it is also possible to admit that the value or disvalue of the former will depend on the conception that one has of the latter. Given that, in turn, similarity and unity can, in a certain way, be referred to equality, I will try here to clarify the concept of equality (I), I will recall some versions of a pluralism that I consider morally and politically unacceptable (II) and, finally, I will propose to distinguish between those inequalities that must necessarily occur in any democratic society and the socio-cultural discriminations typical of totally exclusive regimes (III). [Fragment] ; Los tres conceptos mencionados en el título de mi presentación son conceptos referenciales negativos, es decir, constituyen el rechazo o apartamiento de conceptos supuestamente más básicos cuales son -en este caso- los de unidad, semejanza e igualdad. Si se admite esta aproximación conceptual, pienso que también cabe admitir que el valor o disvalor de aquellos dependerá de la concepción que uno tenga de estos últimos. Dado que, a su vez, la semejanza y la unidad pueden, en cierto modo, ser referidas a la igualdad, intentaré aquí precisar el concepto de igualdad (I), recordaré algunas versiones de un pluralismo que considero moral y políticamente inaceptable (II) y, finalmente, propondré distinguir entre aquellas desigualdades que necesariamente habrán de darse en toda sociedad democrática y las discriminaciones socio-culturales propias de regímenes totalitariamente excluyentes (III). [Fragmento]

For more than a decade, the evolution of the word "gender" and its accompanying discourse have become increasingly important to intellectual debates and practice. the term was initially used in a grammatical arena to identify masculine, feminine and neutral words. however, the term has changed since the second half of the XX Century given the increasing use in other fields, often replacing the word sex, traditionally used to distinguish the human male-female duality. this fact is evident in contemporary anthropological, social, political and legal discourse. and although the word "gender" does not have a positive or negative meaning per se, its many interpretations are fairly problematic. two interpretations stand out today: "gender perspective" and "gender ideology." ; For more than a decade, the evolution of the word "gender" and its accompanying discourse have become increasingly important to intellectual debates and practice. the term was initially used in a grammatical arena to identify masculine, feminine and neutral words. however, the term has changed since the second half of the XX Century given the increasing use in other fields, often replacing the word sex, traditionally used to distinguish the human male-female duality. this fact is evident in contemporary anthropological, social, political and legal discourse. and although the word "gender" does not have a positive or negative meaning per se, its many interpretations are fairly problematic. two interpretations stand out today: "gender perspective" and "gender ideology."

In each instance that John Gower uses the term "Saracen" in his Confessio Amantis to characterize the enemies of Christendom, Juan de Cuenca' s prose Castilian translation, the Confisyon del Amante, employs alternative language -language that predominantly downplays rather than exacerbates scenes of religious conflict. This essay analyzes these divergent representations of difference to argue that such comparative analysis of English and Spanish texts makes legible each writer's differing investments in narratives of Christianity's violence and pacifism, its anxieties about its religious neighbors and its belief in its own triumphant ascendancy. Understanding the interpretive nuances of these differences between Gower and Cuenca carries implications for our understanding of the political, historical, and literary transactions between England and Castile and Leon in the late middle ages.

This article presents some results about a project research whose purpose was analyzed the cultural elements related with cultural difference that incorporate traditional textbooks, in order to identify contributions to future educational proposals.Two main categories had been for providing some theoretical bases that underlie: cultural difference and textbooks. The study was conducted from a qualitative approach. It was performed particularly Content Analysis (AC). As results emerged that the textbooks have been immersing themselves in their own community dynamics. The subjects that incorporate the textbooks show critical glances about different situations that ethnic groups have lived, offer the possibility of moving between the past and the present. This research shows a transit from an assimilationist model to a multiculturalist model like option for building an educational
work from cultural difference.

Both the ontology of sexual difference, as elaborated by feminism of sexual difference, and the de-ontologization of sexual (in-)difference, as deconstructed by queer transfeminism, appeal to a concept of difference that is non-dualist, non-hierarchical, and non-exclusive as the core of their theoretical-political argument. However, both theories are elaborated in incompatible ways that lead to opposing political projects. The current article aims to elaborate the reasons for this divergence within the framework of a realistic and material ontology. ; Tanto la ontología de la diferencia sexual, tal como la elabora el feminismo de la diferencia, como la des-ontologización de la (in-)diferencia sexual, tal como la deconstruye el transfeminismo queer, coinciden en apelar al concepto de diferencia en sí, no dualista, jerárquica ni excluyente, como núcleo de su argumentación teóricopolítica. Sin embargo, ambas teorías resultan en su desarrollo inconciliables y conducen a proyectos políticos opuestos. El presente artículo se propone elaborar las razones de tal divergencia en el marco de una ontología realista y material.

On the one hand, the difference feminism points out the androcentric character of the Western thought which universalizes the masculine and relegates the feminine to otherness. This school of thought makes feminist politics whose aim is the recognition of the feminine considering the specifc experience of being a woman. As a consequence, the sexual difference appears as a central analytic category. On the other hand, gender theory remarks the heterosexual implication of the category of sex. This research deals with that subject taking into account Wittig´s writings about the straight mind and its influence on Butler's thought, as well as Braidotti's work, one of the main theorists of sexual difference. The objective will be to clarify the tension between gender theory and the thought of sexual difference in order to fnd a strategy that would avoid exclusion. ; Por una parte, el feminismo de la diferencia señala el carácter androcéntrico del pensamiento occidental, el cual universaliza lo masculino y relega lo femenino a la otredad. Esta corriente de pensamiento construye una política feminista cuya fnalidad es el reconocimiento de lo femenino partiendo de la experiencia específca de ser mujer. En consecuencia, la diferencia sexual aparece como una categoría de análisis central. Por otra parte, la teoría del género resalta el carácter heterosexual de la categoría de sexo. El presente estudio aborda dicha problemática tomando en consideración los escritos de Wittig sobre el pensamiento heterosexual y su influencia en el pensamiento de Butler, así como la obra de Braidotti, una de las principales teóricas de la diferencia sexual. El objetivo será clarifcar la tensión entre la teoría del género y el pensamiento de la diferencia sexual con el fn de encontrar una estrategia que evite la exclusión.

This essay, analyzing the Parliament elected in the 2013 elections –which is the most "pink" in the history of Italian republic– explains the transition from a situation of exclusion to a situation of women's inclusion in representative Institutions, but also highlights a paradox: female presence has increased, but the "political difference" created by Feminism has been eliminated. The new female presence in the mainstream political and media scene moves away from the feminist genealogy, and uses –at the same time– an ethics of self-entrepreneurship, victimistic and moralist rhetorics, and the traditional image of femininity seen as identity surrogate. ; A partir del análisis del Parlamento elegido en las elecciones de 2013, el que más presencia femenina tiene en la historia republicana, este ensayo examina la transición de un régimen de exclusión a un régimen de inclusión de las mujeres en las instituciones representativas, lo que evidencia la paradoja de una aumentada presencia femenina que borra la "diferencia política" creada por el feminismo. El nuevo protagonismo femenino en la escena política y mediática mainstream se aleja de la genealogía feminista y, al mismo tiempo, se acoge a la ética de la autoempresarialidad, a retóricas victimistas y moralistas y a la imagen tradicional de la femineidad como subrogado identitario.

A partir del análisis del Parlamento elegido en las elecciones de 2013, el que más presencia femenina tiene en la historia republicana, este ensayo examina la transi¬ción de un régimen de exclusión a un régimen de inclusión de las mujeres en las instituciones representativas, lo que evidencia la paradoja de una aumentada pre¬sencia femenina que borra la "diferencia política" creada por el feminismo. El nuevo protagonismo femenino en la escena política y mediática mainstream se aleja de la genealogía feminista y, al mismo tiempo, se acoge a la ética de la autoempresarialidad, a retóricas victimistas y moralistas y a la imagen tradicional de la femineidad como subrogado identitario. ; This essay, analyzing the Parliament elected in the 2013 elections –which is the most "pink" in the history of Italian republic– explains the transition from a situation of ex¬clusion to a situation of women's inclusion in representative Institutions, but also high¬lights a paradox: female presence has increased, but the "political difference" created by Feminism has been eliminated. The new female presence in the mainstream political and media scene moves away from the feminist genealogy, and uses –at the same time– an ethics of self-entrepreneurship, victimistic and moralist rhetorics, and the traditional image of femininity seen as identity surrogate.

ResumenPor una parte, el feminismo de la diferencia señala el carácter androcéntrico delpensamiento occidental, el cual universaliza lo masculino y relega lo femenino a la otredad. Esta corriente de pensamiento construye una política feminista cuya fnalidad es el reconocimiento de lo femenino partiendo de la experiencia específca de ser mujer. En consecuencia, la diferencia sexual aparece como una categoría de análisis central. Por otra parte, la teoría del género resalta el carácter heterosexual de la categoría de sexo. El presente estudio aborda dicha problemática tomando en consideración los escritos de Wittig sobre el pensamiento heterosexual y su influencia en el pensamiento de Butler, así como la obra de Braidotti, una de las principales teóricas de la diferencia sexual. El objetivo será clarifcar la tensión entre la teoría del género y el pensamiento de la diferencia sexual con el fn de encontrar una estrategia que evite la exclusión.Palabras clave: feminismo, diferencia sexual, género, pensamiento heterosexual.AbstractOn the one hand, the difference feminism points out the androcentric character of the Western thought which universalizes the masculine and relegates the feminine to otherness. This school of thought makes feminist politics whose aim is the recognition of the feminine considering the specifc experience of being a woman. As a consequence, the sexual difference appears as a central analytic category. On the other hand, gender theory remarks the heterosexual implication of the category of sex. This research deals with that subject taking into account Wittig´s writings about the straight mind and its influence on Butler's thought, as well as Braidotti's work, one of the main theorists of sexual difference. The objective will be to clarify the tension between gender theory and the thought of sexual difference in order to fnd a strategy that would avoid exclusion.Keywords: Feminism, Sexual Difference, Gender, Straight Mind.

Hasta ahora, las discusiones sobre el multiculturalismo se han presentado como una revision progresista de los limites del liberalismo en cuanto a politicas de inclusión y reconocimiento. Este articulo plantea que la recepción del multiculturalismo en Latinoamérica, sino quiere ser puramente procedimental, piede plantearse ocmo una deconstrucción de los conceptos de Sujeto y Estado. Para ello hemos adoptado el punto de vista de comunidades étnicamnete diferenciadas ( que Deleuze y Guattari Han categorizado como maquinas territoriales), de modo que sus relaciones de poder y sis procesos de subjetivación puedan ser vistos ocmo expresión de lo infraestatal y lo preindividual, respectivamente. Aunque esta difierencia de perspectiva se plantea, ásicamnete, como un diferendo entre teorias, al final se sugieren criterios para un debate mas amplio sobre las relaciones entre Estado y Capitalismo alrededor de las condiciones de existencia de las sociedades premodernas. ; Up to now discussions about multiculturalism have been presented as a progressive revision of the limits of liberalism concerning politics of inclusion and recognition. This paper states that the reception of multiculturalism in Latin America, if doesn't intend to be merely procedural, can be stated in terms of a deconstruction of the concepts of Subject and State. For this purpose, we have adopted the point of view of ethnically differentiated communities (that Deleuze and Guattari have categorized as territorial machines), so that their power relations and their process of subjectivation can be seen as an expression of the infrastate and the suprastate levels, respectively. Even though this difference of perspective is basically put as a dispute between theories, at the end, criteria for a wider debate about the relations between State and capitalism around the conditions of existence of premodern societies are presented.