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Can use of the word difference help communication scholars to rethink communication with equity central, with the politics of difference at its center, or, in other words, where a deviation from an assumed norm is embraced as an intrinsic and valued part of the process of change making? Does adopting the words difference and equity in lieu of tolerance, diversity, and multiculturalism help bring us to a place where racialized minorities are not just window dressing, the tokens that stave off allegations of racism? In this essay, I briefly trace various discourses surrounding tolerance, multiculturalism, and diversity, before moving to difference to think to equity. Linguistic change coincides with and can foment historical and political change, yet we do not need more or different words: We need more equitable universities. Interrogating the language around this potentially change-making word uncovers, in the words of Herman Gray, a politics of difference that is unutterable without demands for equity.

This chapter explains the main conceptions of sexual difference that have influenced feminist theory, tracing their roots in the psychoanalysis of Freud and Lacan, and then introducing the radical rethinking of sexual difference put forward by Luce Irigaray. For Irigaray, in the Western symbolic order there has only ever been sexual hierarchy, not genuine sexual difference. Her political program for changing the symbolic order to create a positive feminine subject-position—one that is not merely the underside or negative opposite of the masculine position—has been developed practically by some Italian feminists. Conceptions of sexual difference have also helped feminist theorists to rethink embodiment beyond the sex/gender distinction. The chapter concludes by considering how conceptions of sexual difference have made various current directions in feminist theory possible, including the new "material feminisms."

Using a unique 10-year dataset of all 458 Dutch municipalities, we apply a differences-in-differences approach to estimate the effect of unit-based pricing on household waste quantities and recycling. Community-level studies of unit-based pricing typically do not include fixed effects at the local level. We find that failure to do so may substantially inflate the estimated price effect. We also find that unit-based pricing may be endogenous, and use instrumental variables to account for this. Our analysis shows that user fees depend on user fees in neighboring jurisdictions (policy interaction). Our estimate of the garbage reduction per $1 user fee is lower than any previous estimate bar one. The price effect depends on the pricing system: weight-based systems reduce garbage quantities more than volume-based systems. User fees increase recycling, especially of paper, but not nearly as much as they reduce garbage quantities. We find no evidence for waste tourism or illegal dumping.

There is an understandable and reasonable difference in viewpoint between military and political leaders. Military leaders prudently consider capabilities—what an enemy can do; while political leaders tend to emphasize intentions—what an enemy might do. Both considerations are valid, but somewhat limited.

Set in the context of international concerns about boys' achievements in writing, this article presents research that explores gender differences or similarities in linguistic competence in writing. Drawing on the results of a large‐scale analysis of the linguistic characteristics of secondary‐aged writers, we outline gender difference in the sample. The article explains the limited differences revealed through this analysis but highlights the repeated pattern of differences in boys' writing, mirroring parallel patterns in able writers. The findings are discussed light of the prevalent discourse of difference that permeates academic, professional, and political consideration of gender and writing. Keywords: linguistic development, writing processes, identity Dans le droit fil des inquiétudes que suscite le rendement scolaire des garçons en écriture, cet article présente une recherche sur les différences et les similitudes selon le sexe quant à l'aptitude à écrire. Analysant les résultats d'une vaste étude portant sur les caractéristiques linguistiques d'élèves du secondaire, les auteurs tiennent compte des différences selon le sexe dans l'échantillon. Ils expliquent les différences limitées qu'a révélées cette analyse tout en soulignant le profil répétitif des différences dans les écrits des garçons, faisant en cela écho à des caractéristiques parallèles chez les élèves ayant une aptitude à écrire. Les auteurs discutent des conclusions à la lumière du discours sur la différence partout présent dans les considérations pédagogiques, professionnelles et politiques sur le genre et l'écriture. Mots clés : développement linguistique, processus d'écriture, identité

In many countries that have decentralized, improving the accountability of local officials is increasingly emphasized to make them more responsive to their constituents' needs. This paper provides evidence that the public announcement of performance ratings can induce local governments to become responsive. The evidence is based on application of a difference-in-difference method on a unique household-level dataset collected during the three-year pilot test of a rating system in 12 municipalities and cities in the Philippines. The results are consistent with the predictions of political agency models of incumbent behavior. Some policy guidelines on the design and implementation performance benchmarks are made.

This entry discusses three forms of politics of recognition: politics of universalism, affirmative identity politics, and deconstructive politics of difference. It examines the constitutive, causally formative, and normative role that recognition has for the relevant senses of universal standing, particular identity, and difference in these approaches. ; peerReviewed

The gender disparity between poverty level can be linked to the Feminization of poverty. During the postwar WW2 baby boom, teen pregnancy--between two wedded teens-- became normal. Soon after the number of Divorces climbed exponentially but, alimony and child support did not cover the cost of living. Then Abortion was legalized in 1973 cutting teen pregnancy down, but the damage was already done. The "Cycle of poverty" had been kickstarted. By the 1980's 2/3s of households headed by women received welfare, 52% of the women were unwed with children. Now 83% of those in poverty under the age of 18 are female. This is despite the fact 21% of females in high school have a job, while only 19% of males join the workforce. There are a few blaring issues to blame. Teen Pregnancy is used almost interchangeably with teen motherhood. Rejecting the idea of teen fathers. On top of this, states that see the most teen pregnancies-- being southern states-- also see higher rates of poverty. Throughout these states is Abstinence only sex education. States with abstinence only sex education have a higher rate of poverty and teen pregnancy. The solution to this issue is complicated but some of the effects can be negated though comprehensive Sex Education.

ABSTRACT Context: natural experiments or quasi-experiments have become quite popular in management research. The differences-in-differences (DiD) estimator is possibly the workhorse of these techniques. Objective: the goal of this paper is to provide a tutorial that serves as practical guide for researchers considering using natural experiments to make causal inferences. Methods: we discuss the DiD advantages, concerns, and tests of validity. We also provide an application of the technique, in which we discuss the effect of government guarantees on banks' degree of risk, using the 2008 financial crisis as a natural experiment. The database used, as well as the Stata and the R scripts containing the analyses, are available as online appendices. Conclusion: DiD may be used to tackle endogeneity concerns when treatment assignment is random.

Ein Verständnis von Demokratie als "stets im Kommen oder im Werden" schließt fort- und immerwährende Verhandlungsprozesse mit ein. Das Ausbleiben von Konflikten oder die Versuche des Einebnens und Nivellierens von Widersprüchen oder gar deren Negation sind dann Indizien der Gefährdung von Demokratisierung und gesamtgesellschaftlicher Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten. Der vorliegende Beitrag betont die Bedeutung von Widerständigkeit für Demokratisierung. Der vorgestellte Ansatz der Reflexion auf Unterscheidungen - un/doing difference - verabschiedet die stillschweigende Vorstellung, dass es vorab feststehende und gegebene Individuen oder Gruppen mit bestimmten Eigenschaften gibt, an die unterschiedliche Angebote und Interventionen gerichtet werden können. Es ist eine differenzsensible Herangehensweise, die latente Unterschiede aufgreift und ihnen im Handeln - im Sinne von Ungleichheiten - Bedeutung verleiht. Den Abschluss des Beitrages bilden vier Strategien im Kontext politischer Bildungsarbeit, um Pluralität und Kontingenz sichtbar zu machen: Pluralisierung und Konkurrenz ermöglichen; Löschung durch Nichtbeachten; ironische Entlarvung von Selbstverständlichkeitsannahmen; eingeführte Kategorien stehen lassen und zugleich Alternativen fördern. (DIPF/Orig.) ; An understanding of democracy as "always coming or becoming" involves constant and perpetual negotiation processes. The absence of conflicts or the attempts to smooth out and level contradictions or even negate them are indicators of the threat to democratization and to opportunities for the development of society as a whole. This article stresses the significance of resistance for democratization. This approach to reflection on difference – un/doing difference – dismisses the implicit idea that there are established and preexisting individuals or groups with specific characteristics to whom the different course offerings and interventions can be directed. It is an approach that is sensitive to difference, one that takes up latent differences and gives them meaning through action in the sense of disparities. The article concludes by identifying four strategies for political education work that make plurality and contingency visible: allowing pluralization and competition; disregarding difference; ironic exposing of assumed matters of course; abandoning established categories and at the same time promoting alternatives. (DIPF/Orig.)

Difference-in-differences is a widely used evaluation strategy that draws causal inference from observational panel data. Its causal identification relies on the assumption of parallel trends, which is scale-dependent and may be questionable in some applications. A common alternative is a regression model that adjusts for the lagged dependent variable, which rests on the assumption of ignorability conditional on past outcomes. In the context of linear models, Angrist and Pischke (2009) show that the difference-in-differences and lagged-dependent-variable regression estimates have a bracketing relationship. Namely, for a true positive effect, if ignorability is correct, then mistakenly assuming parallel trends will overestimate the effect; in contrast, if the parallel trends assumption is correct, then mistakenly assuming ignorability will underestimate the effect. We show that the same bracketing relationship holds in general nonparametric (model-free) settings. We also extend the result to semiparametric estimation based on inverse probability weighting. We provide three examples to illustrate the theoretical results with replication files in Ding and Li (2019).

Objective: The objective of this paper is to examine the impact of Hurricane Katrina on displaced students' behavioral disorder. Methods: First, we determine displaced students' likelihood of discipline infraction each year relative to non-evacuees using all K12 student records of the U.S. state of Louisiana during the period of 2000–2008. Second, we investigate the impact of hurricane on evacuee students' in-school behavior in a difference-in-difference framework. The quasi-experimental nature of the hurricane makes this framework appropriate with the advantage that the problem of endogeneity is of least concern and the causal effect of interest can be reasonably identified. Results: Preliminary analysis demonstrates a sharp increase in displaced students' relative likelihood of discipline infraction around 2005 when the hurricane occurred. Further, formal difference-in-difference analysis confirms the results. To be specific, post Katrina, displaced students' relative likelihood of any discipline infraction has increased by 7.3% whereas the increase in the relative likelihood for status offense, offense against person, offense against property and serious crime is 4%, 1.5%, 3.8% and 2.1%, respectively. Conclusion: When disasters occur, as was the case with Hurricane Katrina, in addition to assistance for adult evacuees, governments, in cooperation with schools, should also provide aid and assistance to displaced children to support their mental health and in-school behavior.

Does the pursuit of equality in post-apartheid education require the removal of difference? This article examines the concepts of difference and equality by exploring two contemporary texts in political philosophy. It is argued that the pursuit of equality can and should, under certain circumstances, accommodate difference in the form of decentralisation and private schools.

International audience ; This article examines the form and effects of differentiation that surface the artifice of racial sameness. Using contemporary debates between 'native-born' and 'foreign-born' blacks in the USA over the right to 'African American' identity and the socioeconomic threat posed to the former by the latter, I show how the operation of the logic of race internally within a racial group reiterates familiar effects of racialization. Drawing on Freud's notion of the 'narcissism of minor differences' as a framing device, I point out that this difference/sameness relation is not simply antagonistic through an analysis of the ambiguity of Africa as posing a socioeconomic threat in the migrants it sends while also presenting the historical and symbolic basis for African American claims to cultural distinctiveness. The article builds a critique of the invention of sameness that makes difference in two key ways: first, through the representation of difference as an antithesis that affirms the racialized self characterized by sameness; and second, that this makes a political difference in the sense that this dialectic of black as self other reifies the social problematic of its sameness/difference relation as intrinsically (intra)racial to the extent that the substantive socioeconomic causality of racial stratification and racism are obscured.

The Chinese government imposed the purchase restriction policy to rein in the housing bubble in 2010. Using a two-stage difference-in-difference approach and a comprehensive dataset covering the real estate markets across 70 cities, we find that the policy triggered substantial decline in the property price and transaction volume. Cities having higher reliance on real estate sector for fiscal revenue and economic growth experienced greater decline in housing prices following the policy implementation. However, the policy had no measurable effects on the nationwide construction boom, hinting the ineffectiveness of the policy to correct the housing bubble.