In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents. ; En la última década a nivel internacional la diplomacia se ha adaptado al nuevo contexto tecnológico en el que se enmarcan muchas de las relaciones entre los diferentes actores políticos, sociales y económicos. Los canales online han fortalecido su presencia dentro de las estrategias de comunicación institucional en aras de promover una mejor proyección de su imagen pública y de su reputación digital. De este modo, son muchos los países que han adoptado diferentes medidas para potenciar su diplomacia digital.En el caso de España, las redes sociales se han establecido como uno de los ejes de la ciberdiplomacia con el propósito de atender a los españoles en el extranjero, acercar a los ciudadanos la actividad diplomática y aumentar el conocimiento que en el exterior se tiene del país y de su cultura.El modo en que se configura la presencia española en los medios sociales a través de los perfiles de sus representaciones en el exterior centra la atención de este estudio, que tiene como objetivo conocer la estructura de la diplomacia digital española en redes sociales, así como el uso que se hace de las mismas por parte de los distintos actores digitales._______________________In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents.
The use of media as a tool of foreign policy in Colombia has been studied from an essentially instrumental perspective, that is, as a mere channel for the broadcasting of a message. Nevertheless, that kind of exercise handles a lot of interesting attributes worthy of being analyzed. The role of the media, and especially, of the digital media, starts with an approach between the general society and the alien, misunderstood and abstract international environment. On the other hand, it also has the power to shape public opinion in the face of short-term, controversial or high political repercussions. Digital media have positioned themselves as an additional tacit scenario for the exercise of foreign policy through public diplomacy that has the purpose of communicating; weaving alliances to, in the final analysis, achieve a greater influence in the global scene. (Ruiz, 2014, page 7). In this sense, public diplomacy is leveraged in media innovations and imposes challenges to the traditional channels of the exercise of foreign policy, and affects contexts of high sensitivity such as national security, integration trends, and international insertion. This paper seeks to categorize the role of digital media in the public diplomacy and national security during the Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos' governments. ; El uso de los medios de comunicación en la política exterior colombiana ha sido estudiado desde una óptica esencialmente instrumental, es decir, como un simple canal para la transmisión de un mensaje. Sin embargo, dicho ejercicio maneja entretelas dignas de ser analizadas. El rol de los medios de comunicación; y especialmente de los medios de comunicación digital, inicia por un acercamiento entre la sociedad general y un ámbito internacional ajeno, incomprendido y abstracto. Por otra parte, también tiene el poder de orientar la opinión pública frente a temas coyunturales, polémicos o de altas repercusiones políticas. Los medios de comunicación digital se han posicionado como un escenario tácito adicional para el ejercicio de la política exterior a través de la diplomaciapública que tiene como objeto la capacidad de comunicar, de tejer alianzas para, en un último término, conseguir una mayor influencia en la escena global. (Ruíz, 2014, pág. 7). En ese sentido, la diplomacia pública se ve apalancada en las innovaciones mediáticas e impone desafíos a los canales tradicionales del ejercicio de la política exterior, e incide en contextos de alta sensibilidad como la seguridad nacional, las tendencias de integración y la inserción internacional. El presente documento busca categorizar el rol de los medios de comunicación digital en la diplomacia pública colombiana y la seguridad nacional en los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos. ; O exercício da mídia na política exterior colombiana tem sido estudado desde uma ótica essencialmente instrumental, isto é, como um simples canal para a transmissão de uma mensagem. Porém, tal exercício contém segredos dignos de serem analisados. O papel da mídia e especialmente da mídia digital, começa por uma aproximação entre a sociedade geral e um âmbito internacional alheio, incompreendido e abstrato. Por outro lado, ele também tem o poder de orientar a opinião pública diante de assuntos conjunturais, polêmicos ou de altas repercussões políticas. A mídia digital tem se posicionado como um cenário tácito adicional para oexercícioda política exterior através dadiplomacia pública que tem como objetivo a capacidade de comunicar, de tecer alianças a fim de, em última análise, conseguir uma maior influência no cenário global. (Ruíz, 2014, pág. 7). Nesse sentido, a diplomacia pública vê-se alavancada nas inovações mediáticas e impõe desafios aos canais tradicionais do exercício da política exterior, e incide em contextos de alta sensibilidade como a segurança nacional, as tendências de integração e a inserção internacional. Este artigo visa categorizar o papel da mídia digital na diplomacia pública colombiana e a segurança nacional nos governos de Álvaro Uribe e Juan Manuel Santos.
The objective of this research is to analyze the role of social networks in digital public diplomacy as well as citizen participation in validating the positions and interests of States and governments. It is based on three phases of content analysis: a) internal analysis of the content or publication b) causes c) effects (Alonso, Volkens and Gómez, 2011). For one year (2017-2018), the posts of four States, two European and two American, were followed up as case studies. Special attention was paid to the social networks of heads of state in relation to issues of international interest, and a comparison was made through content analysis. From July 2017 onward, a systemization of the posts encountered was initiated. The main results show an active, participatory role on the part of public users– citizens. We can speak of the phenomenon of the global citizen (Martínez, 2004). For their part, decision makers/ government leaders have an active role in social networks and seek to communicate and validate their actions, almost from the moment they make or announce their decisions, in order to know the reactions of citizens. States make use of social networks in the context of what is defined as digital public diplomacy. ; El objetivo de la investigación es analizar el rol de las redes sociales en la diplomacia pública digital y la participación ciudadana para validar posiciones e intereses de los Estados y los gobiernos. Se fundamenta en tres fases de análisis de contenido: a) análisis interno del contenido o publicación b) causas c) efectos (Alonso, Volkens y Gómez, 2011). Durante un año (2017-2018), se dio seguimiento a las publicaciones de cuatro Estados, dos europeos y dos americanos, como estudios de caso. Se presta especial atención a las redes sociales de jefes de Estado, en relación con temas de interés internacional y se hace una comparación por medio de análisis de contenido. A partir de julio 2017 se inició una sistematización de los posts encontrados. Los principales resultados arrojaron un rol activo y participativo por parte del público usuario –la ciudadanía–, puede hablarse del fenómeno del ciudadano global (Martínez, 2004). Por su parte, los decisores-gobernantes tienen un rol activo en redes sociales y buscan comunicar y validar sus acciones, casi desde el mismo momento en que se toman o se anuncia la decisión como forma de conocer las reacciones de los ciudadanos. Los Estados hacen uso de las redes sociales en el contexto de lo que se define como diplomacia pública digital.
The objective of this research is to analyze the role of social networks in digital public diplomacy as well as citizen participation in validating the positions and interests of States and governments. It is based on three phases of content analysis: a) internal analysis of the content or publication b) causes c) effects (Alonso, Volkens and Gómez, 2011). For one year (2017-2018), the posts of four States, two European and two American, were followed up as case studies. Special attention was paid to the social networks of heads of state in relation to issues of international interest, and a comparison was made through content analysis. From July 2017 onward, a systemization of the posts encountered was initiated. The main results show an active, participatory role on the part of public users– citizens. We can speak of the phenomenon of the global citizen (Martínez, 2004). For their part, decision makers/ government leaders have an active role in social networks and seek to communicate and validate their actions, almost from the moment they make or announce their decisions, in order to know the reactions of citizens. States make use of social networks in the context of what is defined as digital public diplomacy.
This article analyses the on-going struggle over property rights in journalism in Europe, with a particular emphasis on the situation in Spain. To do so, we have carried out a historical review of the main conflicts on which the defence of intellectual property on the internet has centred. The European legislative system has tended to shy away from involvement in the area. The decisions and actions of the Member States have revealed a lack of common policy in the field of intellectual property rights as a result of the facultative nature of EU Directives. State judicial bodies diverge in their regulation of the protection of the press regarding news aggregators. Intermediaries are deemed parasites of the transformed value chain of the press industry by certain sectors. In the face of the tension which has surfaced between editors and news aggregators, diplomacy would appear to have become a key player as mediation takes place, with the intermediaries attempting to reach press collaboration agreements with the giants of the net. The services and activities which feature in the digital environment outpace judicial orders and, consequently, out-of-court settlements appear to be preferred by some media. At the same time, they await the EU authorities' debate on the regulatory framework, which is expected to afford greater protection to press editors. ; El artículo analiza la pugna existente entorno a los derechos de propiedad de la obra periodística en el ámbito digital en el contexto europeo, con especial énfasis en la situación española. Para ello, se realiza un recorrido histórico por los principales conflictos sobre los que ha girado la defensa de la propiedad intelectual en la red. El sistema legislativo europeo ha sido poco intervencionista en esta materia. Las decisiones y las actuaciones de los estados miembros evidencian la falta de una política común en materia de derechos de propiedad intelectual por el carácter facultativo de las directivas comunitarias. Las disposiciones jurídicas estatales divergen en su regulación sobre la protección del sector de la prensa frente a los agregadores de noticias. Intermediarios que son calificados por una parte del sector como parásitos de la transformada cadena de valor de la industria de la prensa. Ante las tensiones que han surgido entre los editores y los agregadores de noticias, parece asumir un papel destacado la diplomacia para mediar con los intermediarios en el alcance de acuerdos de colaboración de la prensa con los gigantes de la web. Los servicios y actividades en el entorno digital van más rápidos que los ordenamientos jurídicos y los acuerdos extrajudiciales parecen convencer a algunos medios, mientras se mantienen a la espera de que las autoridades europeas debatan sobre un marco regulatorio que previsiblemente ofrecerá una mayor protección a los editores de prensa.
This paper proposes the use of MOOCs as an educational tool and international strategy to end the educational inequalities and the digital divide. The methodology focuses on the analysis of academic literature and previous research on the field of the new international digital tools. As well, this paper focuses on the case-study and compared strategies followed by the United States, the European Union and Japan. It tries to define and contextualize their decisions, risks and opportunities. The novelty of the work is the approach to MOOCs envisaged as a tool for the new digital cooperation and diplomacy and its implications for the possible reduction of socio-educational inequalities. ; Este trabajo propone el uso de la herramienta educativa de los MOOC como una fórmula internacional para romper con las desigualdades educativas y la brecha digital. La metodología se centra en el análisis del estado del arte y la investigación sobre las nuevas herramientas digitales internacionales. Se centra en el estudio de casos y compara las estrategias seguidas por Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón. Se pretende definir y contextualizar las decisiones tomadas, los riesgos y las oportunidades. La novedad del trabajo consiste en el estudio del fenómeno de la cooperación y de la nueva diplomacia digital y sus implicaciones en la posible reducción de las desigualdades socioeducativas.
As a result of the pandemic, the University has become into a preferred space for either social and institutional innovation. In this endeavors, we see human talent and digital transformation being the ideal supply to revolutionize our third millennium, which; is an essential element for the current social, politic and economic turn of. This unsettled and volatile scenario, put in a frame the inkling that Social Responsibilities settled for cross-wise institutional philosophy. Such discerns, for the last two decades, entail a major social limelight from the part of the University concerning those changes. The main purpose of this text, is to expound the range of inter-institutional mechanisms to promote a model of binding, oriented to the aspect of internationalization, cultural values, diplomacy and digital innovation of the University Social Responsibility (USR). It is the emphasis of this text, to invigorate the ties that the University can establish and strengthen on its transoceanic dimension, as well as its active rol in the new international cooperation cartography. Keywords: University Social Responsibility (USR); Social involvement; Interculturality; Cultural diplomacy; Digital connection ; A raíz de la pandemia, la Universidad se ha vuelto un espacio predilecto para las innovaciones sociales e institucionales donde el talento humano y la transformación digital son el insumo ideal para la revolución de nuestro tercer milenio. Este escenario de efervescencia se enmarca en las vislumbres que la Responsabilidad Social ha establecido como filosofía institucional transversal en las últimas dos décadas y que, entre otras cosas, exige un mayor protagonismo social de la Universidad en dichos cambios sociales, políticos y económicos. Este texto trata de formular los distintos mecanismos interinstitucionales para impulsar un modelo de vinculación orientado a la RSU cuya dimensión descansa en la internacionalización, los valores interculturales, la diplomacia cultural y la innovación digital que dinamiza los vínculos que la Universidad puede establecer y fortalecer su proyección transoceánica como su papel activo en la nueva cartografía de la cooperación internacional. Palabras clave: Responsabilidad Social Universitaria; Participación social; interculturalidad; diplomacia cultural; vinculación digital
Màster en Diplomàcia i Organitzacions Internacionals, Centre d'Estudis Internacionals. Universitat de Barcelona. Curs: 2019-2020. Tutora: Marta Abegón ; El Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación (en adelante MAEUEC) cuenta con una serie de instrumentos y canales de acción exterior que van evolucionando con el surgimiento de nuevas tecnologías. Cada vez son más influyentes en la política exterior de España al verse afectada por la sociedad civil y por la necesidad de llegar hasta el público. Se puede apreciar la evolución experimentada en este ámbito al comparar la situación actual con la opinión dada por el diplomático británico Harold Nicolson sobre la antigua diplomacia en su libro de 1939, Diplomacy, en el que decía que: "En los días de la antigua diplomacia, se habría considerado como un acto de vulgaridad impensable apelar a la gente común sobre cualquier tema de política internacional". Es por ello por lo que entre los instrumentos y canales de acción exterior destacan España Global, la Diplomacia Pública, la Diplomacia Digital y Diplomacia Informativa y la Diplomacia Parlamentaria. Se han seleccionado estos cuatro instrumentos y canales de acción exterior española para este trabajo dado su importancia y reconocimiento publicados en varios informes sobre la aplicación de la estrategia de acción exterior por el MAEC.
The popular uprisings in the Middle East represented a moment of change in all Arab countries both at the national level and in terms of the regional geopolitical balance. In the analysis of these events particular importance was given to the influence of traditional and new digital media. The satellite news channel Al Jazeera in Arabic played an important role in the propagation of the uprising in the different countries of the region, both for its extensive coverage of the events, as well as for the credibility it had gained among the population since its establishment in 1996. But the position of the channel regarding the protests, and the use of different approaches according to the country, led it to lose an important part of its audience. For this reason, the upheavals, as well as the relevant geopolitical changes, also led to a reconfiguration of the region's media ecosystem, with the establishment of new media and a more heterogeneous space where different satellite news channels, mainly linked to countries or political actors in the region, struggle to promote their views to an Arab audience. This new condition has led to the configuration of a new geopolitics of the information, parallel to the changing power balances at political level. A reflection on the relationship between geopolitics and information opens questions about the future role of these channels as foreign policy tools of the main actors in the geopolitical disputes. ; Las sublevaciones populares en la región de Medio Oriente representaron un momento de cambio político en todos los países árabes tanto a nivel nacional como en términos de equilibrio en la geopolítica regional. En el análisis de estos eventos se dio particular relevancia a la agencia de medios de comunicaciones tradicionales y digitales. El canal satelital Al Jazeera en árabe jugó un papel relevante en la propagación de las protestas en diferentes países de la región, tanto por su extensa cobertura de los acontecimientos como por la credibilidad que había ganado entre la población desde su fundación en 1996. Pero la posición del canal respecto a las protestas, y el uso de diferentes enfoques según el país, lo llevaron a perder una parte importante de su audiencia. Por esta razón las sublevaciones, además de ciertos cambios geopolíticos relevantes, llevaron a una reconfiguración del ecosistema mediático de la región, con el establecimiento de nuevos medios informativos y la conformación de un espacio donde diferentes canales de información satelital, en su gran mayoría vinculados con países o actores políticos de la región, lucharon para promocionar su visión sobre los acontecimientos políticos en Medio Oriente. Esa condición ha llevado a la configuración de una nueva geopolítica de la información, en estrecha relación con los equilibrios de poder cambiantes a nivel de política regional. La reflexión sobre la relación entre geopolítica e información abre interrogantes acerca del futuro rol de estos canales como herramientas de política exterior de los principales actores en las disputas geopolíticas.
The objective of this article is to analyze electronic government as a space for paradiplomacy of local governments, in particular of city governments to establish and consolidate international relations aimed at resource management and the development of local areas. For this, the City of Oaxaca de Juárez, capital of the State of Oaxaca, and the City of Puebla de Zaragoza, of the State of Puebla, were chosen to address paradiplomacy and the use of digital technologies as change management, and its advances and limitations. The analysis was carried out from the perspectives of governance and the theory of the new diplomacy. The methodology is a qualitative study of cases based on the analysis of documents from studies previously carried out, laws, and the websites of the government of the two city municipalities, to then be compared both to each other and the theory. ; El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar el gobierno electrónico como espacio de paradiplomacia de los gobiernos locales, en particular de los gobiernos de las ciudades para establecer y consolidar relaciones internacionales orientadas a la gestión de recursos y el desarrollo de los ámbitos locales. Para ello se eligió la Ciudad de Oaxaca de Juárez, capital del Estado de Oaxaca, y la Ciudad de Puebla de Zaragoza, del Estado de Puebla, para abordar la paradiplomacia y el uso de las tecnologías digitales como gestión del cambio, sus avances y limitaciones. El análisis se realizó desde las perspectivas de la gobernanza y la teoría de la nueva diplomacia. La metodología es un estudio cualitativo de casos con base en el análisis de documentos de estudios realizados, leyes y de los sitios web del gobierno de los dos municipios-ciudades para luego ser contrastados entre sí y con la teoría.
Este trabajo se ocupa de la construcción institucional de imágenes de base nacional en Internet. En primer lugar, haremos un repaso por las disciplinas que se han encargado de estudiar el complejo fenómeno de las construcciones sociales, desde la historia de las mentalidades y las representaciones a los estudios sobre el imaginario, para situar nuestra investigación dentro de la historia sociocultural. Después nos acercaremos al estudio de las imágenes en un sentido amplio. Nuestro punto de partida es la Imagología de base literaria aunque integraremos también las aportaciones de los Visual Studies. Una vez sentadas las bases teóricas y metodológicas de este trabajo, abordaremos el proceso de composición y diseminación de los imaginarios nacionales, verdadero núcleo de la investigación. Para ello, atenderemos tanto a su configuración tradicional como a las nuevas herramientas de construcción identitaria que suponen el Nation Branding y la Diplomacia pública. En efecto, el proceso de globalización ha auspiciado un nuevo entorno en el que las naciones pasan a ser entendidas como un producto más que es necesario vender a un público internacional. A nosotros nos interesa, particularmente, esa creación de identidad de marca que llevan a cabo las instituciones nacionales en el mundo digital. Para ilustrar dicho proceso, nos serviremos de tres casos empíricos de diferente naturaleza: el caso catalán, el caso gallego y el caso extremeño. El análisis comparado de los imaginarios digitales de estas tres identidades colectivas nos ayudará a entender mejor uno de los nuevos mecanismos de configuración de imágenes de base nacional. ; This research deals with nationally based images and identities online as they are built and managed by governmental institutions. First, we provide a survey of some disciplines studying the complex issue of the social construction of reality, from the histoire des mentalités or the History of Representations to the histoire de l'imaginaire. It has to be said that our own perspective is that of the Social and Cultural History. Then, we try to face the study of images in a wide sense, on the grounds of literary Image Studies (Imagologie), Visual Studies and other disciplines. After having established our theoretical and methodological grounds, the research will try to face the contruction and spreading of national identities, the real core of our work. In order to do that, we shall take account both of traditional and new tools for constructing collective identities, as today Nation Branding or Public Diplomacy. In fact, globalization entails a new world setting where nations become a mere product to be sold to an international audience. The object of our interest is precisely this branding process put into action by national governments on the WWW. In order to describe this process, we have decided to study three different empirical cases in the Iberian field: Catalan, Galician and Extremenian. A comparative analysis of this three governmental digital images can help us to understand better one of the new mechanisms of national and symbolic identity building. ; Fundación Fernando Valhondo Calaff - Beca de postgrado ; Fundación Fernando Valhondo y Calaff (Beca)
Epic, historic, momentous, transformational. In a word- saturated environment, it is hard to find a term powerful enough to describe the significance of this election for the American psyche. A few vignettes from history may help us grasp this idea better than any hyperbolic epithets. When Frederick Douglass came to the White House, which had been opened to the public to celebrate President Abraham Lincoln's second inauguration in 1865, he was not allowed in. The freed slave, by then a well-known author, abolitionist, activist and orator, sent his card in to the President, who immediately ordered him admitted. In 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt was severely criticized for inviting writer Booker T. Washington to a private dinner at the White House. Thirty years later, his niece, first lady Eleanor Roosevelt received the same vociferous criticism for hosting several African Americans as guests in the White House, including soprano Marion Anderson in 1939. Of course, the practice of receiving black guests in the presidential residence became much more accepted as African Americans were elected to high office in the sixties and seventies. But the journey for the inclusion of the black race has been a long and arduous one for this country, and it will culminate in poetic symbolism this coming January, as Barack and Michelle Obama and their two daughters make the White House their residence. This is a remarkable achievement that all Americans are proud of, and a powerful unifying force for the nation, as mentioned by John McCain in his gracious concession speech on Tuesday night. Barack Obama ran a brilliant, disciplined campaign which will be analyzed for years to come for its innovative use of technology, its break with traditional funding methods and the pervasive influence of the leader 's personality which set a positive tone, an optimistic aura that trickled down to millions of volunteers and contributors. Obama captured the spirit of the times, anticipated the extent to which the country was ready for a change before anyone else did, and proposed a vision that mobilized millions behind him. He was the only one able to take the pulse of the nation and grasp its mood. Eight years of unresponsive and irresponsible leadership, of a lingering war that could not be won, of unimaginable depredation of their cherished values and foundational ideals, had brought Americans to the verge of a nihilistic self-hate. If Obama's intelligence enabled him to perceive this mood, his audacity propelled him forward to seek the higher office in order to change it. Because he believes in the resilience of the country himself, he was able to spark the last bit of fire and illusion left at the bottom of the American heart. He spoke of unity and human dignity; of changing the distorted image the rest of the world has of America, of using diplomacy rather than force, of consulting with allies and talking to enemies. Leaving ideologies aside, he focused on what we all have in common and not on what divides us. And America heard him. His campaign was mainly geared toward the digital generation, and that is where he found his base. Building on Howard Dean's use of the Internet for financing and organizing his own grassroots campaign during the 2003 Democratic primary election, he perfected a technological platform from which he reached millions of citizens. His email list for daily announcements had eight million addresses, eight hundred thousand people registered in mybarackobama.com to get direct information from the campaign and the candidate himself into their mobile phone text messaging systems, and thirteen million people contributed money through the internet. He had one million and a half cyber volunteers who got special training and connected with affinity groups already in existence, such as Democracy for America and the more radical Moveon.org. His field volunteers could choose between training at local headquarters and attending "night school" on the web. By September 1st, the date of the official start of the presidential campaign once both conventions were over, he had amassed four times more money than his opponent. That led him to opt out of public financing, being the first candidate to take this decision since federal funding was established in the 1970s. He took a gamble and won: in September alone, he was able to raise 153 million from small donors on the internet, while McCain, who stopped accepting donations in order to be eligible for public funds, had to content himself with the $84 million received under that program. The contagious optimism and low-key approach that characterize the candidate was also found in every field office, every phone bank volunteer, and every neighborhood canvassing team. The lack of internal disputes and the positive atmosphere earned his campaign the nickname of "No Drama Obama" and the candidates as well as his close team of advisers deserve full credit for it. He started with a small circle of inner political advisors who had worked with him during his Senate run. Talent and serenity, no prima donnas and no big egos, were the main qualifications. In a new version of J.F. Kennedy's The Best and the Brightest, he drew on his friends from Harvard and Columbia, and his colleagues and students from the University of Chicago as the next circle of supporters and advisors. They helped him recruit five hundred paid political operatives among the best in the business, and an army of volunteers. They mounted a huge voter registration operation and a get- out -the vote campaign that would pay off immensely on Election Day. In difficult times during the campaign, David Axelrod, his chief strategist says, Obama and his team would regain their motivation focusing on what he would be able to achieve once in the White House. During the lowest point of his campaign, the Reverend Jeremy White controversy, after brainstorming for a while, Obama decided to make a speech on race as he saw it, based on his own experience and perspective. If he could not persuade Americans of his good faith, he would lose and go back to the Senate, he told his closer advisors with his usual cool detachment that belies a disciplined tenacity and a passion for his call of service to the country. That speech was hailed as exceptional, and was well-received by all races and creeds; it generated a consensus seldom forthcoming on such a divisive topic. The result of these efforts, from the vision that inspired it all to the organizational strengths, was reaped on election night, when he won over 61% of the youth vote, 98% of the African American vote, 67% of the Hispanic vote, 56% of the women's vote, 47% of white men. He also won the Independents vote, as well as the Catholic and even some of the Evangelical vote. This broad based coalition is also reflected in a geographical shift, with the inroads he made into Republican territory by winning Virginia, North Carolina, Indiana, Ohio, Nevada and Colorado as well as Florida. There is no denying that this represents a major political realignment, even if it is too early to evaluate whether these demographic and geographical changes are permanent. But they do reflect changes in the economy, with economic power flowing away from major urban centers and into new states such as Virginia and Colorado. This transfer of economic power brings about demographic change and, ultimately, a shift in political power. Obama put it with subtlety when he said: "There are no red states and blue states; there is the United States of America." Now the major question being posed these days is whether President Obama will be able to govern as flawlessly as he campaigned and whether he will make good on his promise of bipartisanship. He has quite a few good options to do this when choosing his cabinet: moderate Republican Robert Gates could, for example, be asked to stay on as Secretary of Defense, or Chuck Hagel, a Republican Senator that was outspoken on his opposition to the Iraq war could replace him. Colin Powell's name has been suggested for Secretary of Education. Obama has already announced that his first measures will be on the economy, namely, a stimulus package to spur employment, extension on unemployment benefits and more attention to the implementation of legislation already passed on mortgage foreclosures. Given the economic crisis and the huge bailout package that will have to be administered by the incoming administration, the Treasury Secretary will be the most important cabinet member. Here Obama will probably choose a Democrat such as former Clinton Secretary Treasurers Larry Summers or Bob Rubin, or perhaps younger Timothy Geithner, President of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. A larger question is whether Obama will be bold or cautious in his first decisions. President Reagan was of the idea that what a president does not get done during the first year of his tenure, goes into oblivion and does not get done at all. Since the center of the political spectrum decided the election and gave him a strong mandate, he will need to address their concerns first. For example, by giving the middle class the promised tax cuts, and financing those by letting Bush's tax cuts on the wealthy elapse. Health care reform is also a possibility, to demonstrate his commitment to voters, but one that would cost a lot and take time to implement. The main difficulty he faces lies in the conundrum of how to do something bold without enlarging the trillion dollar budget deficit he is inheriting, and all without raising taxes. A neo-Keynesian approach is likely, with, for example, the government ignoring the deficit for a while, and investing in a huge renewable energy program, thereby creating thousands of green jobs and meeting two campaign promises with one bold stroke. He could also opt for highly symbolic actions, such as closing Guantánamo and delivering the prisoners to the US regular court system. Politically, he has a mandate for this, but there may be some legal sticking points that might protract the process and thus not render it so symbolically effective. Whatever he decides to do, the transition period will set the tone for the rest of his administration. He thus needs to do it right, lay out his vision of a national purpose and work towards it in a bipartisan and transparent way, avoiding the temptation of governing with the Democratic legislature only, to the exclusion of the Republican minority. The same mobilized digital-age generation that gave him this victory will be monitoring his every move, assessing the results and sharing their opinions on blogs and chat rooms. Since Obama has his sights set on the long-term, he will try his best not to disappoint. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
