Suchergebnisse

La Incorporación de la República de Panamá al Subsistema de Integración Económica Centroamericana es el objetivo de esta investigación, observarán que ese país ha pasado del proceso declarativo de "acercamiento" o "distanciamiento" con la Región Centroamericana a la incorporación plena quele exige la nueva etapa de compromisos regionales con Centroamérica. Entre los principales resultados obtenidos se destacará la verificación del cumplimiento de Panamá a las disposiciones transitorias del Art. IV del Protocolo de Guatemala (1993) y su Enmienda de l 27 de febrero de 2002; las Declaraciones de los Presidentes centroamericanos; las principales Resoluciones de COMIECO sobre el particular; y su propio Plan de Acción que contiene los Pasos necesarios para cumplir con su efectiva incorporación con Centroamérica. Se analizará su incorporación a la luz de las disposiciones de la Convención de Viena sobre Derecho de los Tratados de 1969; las disposiciones constitucionales de Panamá, la Ley No. 25 y Ley 26, del 10 y 17 de abril del año 2013, en lo pertinentea su incorporación al Subsistema, mediante las cuales aprueba el Protocolo al Tratado General de Integración Económica Centroamericana y su enmienda;y el Protocolo de Incorporación de Panamá al Subsistema de Integración Económica Centroamericana. Ante el nuevo estatus de incorporación de Panamá, ese país deberá cumplir con la normativa comunitaria; como también deberá cumplir con los Principios de Jerarquía; de Aplicación Inmediata, de Efecto Directo; y de Responsabilidad; así como también estará obligado a fortalecer el Derecho Comunitario Centroamericano, a fin de contribuir a que Centroamérica sea una región de paz, libertad, democracia y desarrollo. - - Abstract: The incorpora tion of the Republic of Panama to the Central American Economic Integration Subsystem, is the aim of this research, you will observe that Panama has passed from the declaratory process of "approach" or " estrangement" with the Central America Region to the full incorporation that requires the "new stage" of regional commitments with Central America.Among the main results, it will be highlighted the verification of compliance of Panama to the transitional dispositions of Article IV of the Guatemala Protocol of 1993 and its Amendment of February 27, 2002; the Statements of the Central America presidents; the main Resolutions of the Council of Ministers of Economic Integration (COMIECO, for its acronym in Spanish) on the subject; and its own Plan of Action containing the necessary steps to fulfill their effective integration with Central America. It will also be analyzed the incorporation of Panama considering the dispositions of the Vienna Convention on Treaties Law of 1969, the constitutional dispositions ofPanama, Law No. 25 and 26, of April 10 and 17, 2013, las appropriate to their incorporation into the Subsystem, through which approves the Protocol to the General Treaty of Central American Economic Integration and its amendment; and the Protocol of Incorporation of Panama to the Central American Economic Integration Subsystem. Regarding the new status of incorporation of Panama, that country must comply not only with the community Law related to hierarchy principles, immediate application, direct effectand responsibility; but also will be obliged to strengthen the Central American Community law, in order to contribute that Central America can be a region of peace , freedom, democracy and development.

The research examines examples of informational confrontation between the Russian Federation and the USA regarding «orange revolution» events in 2004-2005 in Ukraine by mass-media and graphically represents information policy's dependence on geopolitical interests of the state and leaders' strategies. Both countries reflected the Maidan events in favorable terms. Thus, Russia emphasized anti-Russian rhetoric of the «orange Maidan» leaders and insisted on orchestrating the events by external forces; the USA depicted the Maidan as a way and incitement to democracy, establishing justice and transformation of the entire Ukrainian society in direction of the Western values system. Both parties insisted on negative intentions of the opponent in the crisis and interference in Ukraine's domestic affairs. Such a state of affairs in the international arena also aggravated the internal split and confrontation inside Ukraine. Information technologies play a crucial role in forming Russian and American citizens' opinion and public opinion outside the states, and also in creating the image of the opponent according to the certain version of revolutionary trends' appearance in Ukraine. Evolution of attitude to Yushenko's policy took place in accordance with changes in Ukraine in the course of time and after certain actions taken by the new government. The information campaigns' intensity, interest of both countries' political establishment in the events of the «color revolution» and sometimes direct interference in domestic affairs point to the important role of Ukraine in Russian and U.S. foreign policies and the role of Ukraine's territory as a battlefield for their national and geostrategic interests. Emphasizing particular events and ignoring others in information space of the both states led to forming the loyal community among the audience of the mass-media and at the same time caused dissatisfaction of the other part which had another point of view regarding the processes. Consequences of the "orange revolution" and similar but sharper processes in 2013-2014 within «Euromaidan» and the further revolution demonstrated importance of taking into account quite constant foreign policy approaches of Russia and the USA to radical or undesirable changes in Ukraine and importance of understanding support for certain political parties or regions with the view of promoting foreign policy goals and security in the international space. As well «color revolutions» remain urgent because of the «Arabic spring» and other attempts of «nonviolence protests» (in Venezuela, Thailand, Turkey and so on). ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню ключових подій «помаранчевої революції» в Україні засобами масової інформації Росії та США, впливу інформаційної кампанії на створення образу опонента. Відзначається, що висвітлення одних і тих же подій «помаранчевої революції», як і загалом інтерпретація самого явища, значно різнились в США і в Росії. Цей фактор виявляв протиріччя між двома державами та демонстрував протистояння як в інформаційному, так і в реальному просторі. Доводиться, що російські ЗМІ, висвітлюючи події відповідно до позиції влади, акцентували увагу на тих чинниках та особливостях «помаранчевої революції», які б могли довести штучність її проведення та стратегічне значення України для Заходу в планах поширення свого впливу в Східній Європі. Американські мас-медіа, висвітлюючи події Майдану, представляли їх, як поштовх до демократичних змін в Україні та жаданого для всього «вільного світу» відходу від «путінського тоталітаризму». При цьому критично оцінювались усі здобутки та прорахунки української влади на шляху демократичних перетворень.

SIA developed alongside EIA in the early 1970s as a mechanism to consider the social impacts of planned interventions. The early understanding tended to limit the practical application of SIA to the project level, usually within the context of regulatory frameworks, and primarily considered only the direct negative impacts. However, like other types of impact assessment, SIA has evolved over time and has diverged considerably from EIA. Nowadays, SIA has widened its scope to become a "philosophy about development and democracy". Ideally SIA considers the pathologies, goals, and processes of development. In this broad understanding, it now focusses on the management of all social issues, intending to bring about a more sustainable and equitable biophysical and human environment. The SIA field conceives of "social" very broadly, basically meaning "anything that affects people and their communities". Thus, for example, all environmental impacts are also social impacts because people depend on the environment for their livelihoods as well as their physical and spiritual well-being. Social impact concepts include people's way of life, their culture, community, political systems, environment, health and well-being, personal and property rights, and their fears and aspirations. Formerly seen as a regulatory tool required by regulatory agencies but resented by proponents, SIA, for a variety of reasons, is now increasingly being embraced by corporations and used as an internal process for managing social issues. Such a shift towards corporate acceptance, of course, does not guarantee that SIA will always be done properly, or is able to adequately influence company operations. Several other shifts have been observed: greater consideration of benefits; moving towards developing and implementing Social Impact Management Plans; communities themselves actively commissioning, or doing, their own SIA studies; SIA playing an important part in ensuring "free, prior and informed consent" and gaining a "social licence to operate". Health issues have a central place in SIA. Many of the social impacts of projects could also be described as health impacts, and all health impacts would be regarded as social impacts in SIA. In SIA, health impacts are considered amongst a wide range of impacts on people and communities. SIA practitioners are supposed to look from an integrated perspective. Arguably, this means that the determinants of health should be addressed when SIA is carried out properly. Nevertheless, SIA guidelines do not typically require a detailed analysis of the origins of, or pathways to, specific health conditions. There is, however, a strong awareness of indirect effects and cumulative effects. In actual SIA practice, the approach used highly depends on the type of policy, plan or project being considered, as well as on the legal and cultural context, on client requirements, and on the commitment of the individual practitioner or consultancy. The SIA case studies considered in this chapter usually discussed the broader determinants of health but did not necessarily recognize them as such. The pathways from social impacts to health, and the linkages between health and social impacts, were not explicitly part of the analysis. Overall, the input of health expertise into SIAs seemed to be lacking. However, given the close connections between the HIA and SIA approaches, more cooperation and cross-fertilization between these two types of impact assessment can be expected in the future.

A Atenção Psicossocial, modelo de atenção em saúde mental vigente no Brasil, tem como princípios a democratização, participação social, envolvimento, co-responsabilização, acolhimento, escuta polifônica e transversalidade. Vincula saúde mental à cidadania e qualidade de vida, visando à promoção da reabilitação psicossocial, protagonismo e autonomia dos usuários. O profissional é caracterizado como cuidador e tem como principal instrumento de trabalho sua própria pessoa, mediante contato direto e prolongado com usuários e equipe. O trabalho em saúde mental engendra um tipo particular de vulnerabilidade, em função do constante envolvimento afetivo com a clientela e outros profissionais, demandando recursos afetivos, posturas profissionais, habilidades e competências que ultrapassam os limites do conhecimento formal. Em função destes aspectos, diversos estudos apontam a natureza e organização do trabalho em saúde mental como geradoras de sobrecarga e estresse para profissionais. Este estudo teve por objetivo identificar as temáticas emergentes em um processo de intervenção realizado com profissionais das equipes de dois Centros de Atenção Psicossocial - CAPS de uma cidade do norte do Paraná, Brasil. Foram realizados 10 encontros semanais do grupo de cuidado direcionado à equipe de saúde mental, nos quais se desenvolveram atividades vivenciais, seguidas de discussão em grupo. A análise qualitativa dos diários de campo permitiu a identificação de três núcleos temáticos: "O cuidado de si: assumindo responsabilidade na redução da vulnerabilidade", "Da posição individualista ao projeto coletivo" e "Ressignificando o trabalho em equipe". Conclui-se que a intervenção promoveu reflexões importantes sobre questões do cotidiano assistencial, que repercutiram nas práticas profissionais dos participantes, evidenciando as potencialidades do grupo como uma estratégia de desenvolvimento profissional na área de saúde mental. ; The psychosocial care, the mental health care model applied in Brazil nowadays, has the following principles: democracy, social participation, involvement and shared responsibility, acceptance, listening and polyphonic interaction. This model connect mental health to citizenship and quality of life, aiming the psychosocial rehabilitation, the role and autonomy of users. In this model, the mental health professional is characterized as a caregiver, being the main instrument of his work, through direct and prolonged contact with users and staff. Thus, the mental health work engenders a particular kind of vulnerability, due to the constant emotional involvement with clients and other professionals, requiring affective resources, professional attitudes, skills and competencies that go beyond the limits of formal knowledge. Due to these aspects, several studies indicate the nature and organization of mental health work as generators of overload and stress for mental health professionals. This study aimed to identify the thematics that emerged in an intervention process carried out with two multidisciplinary teams of Psychosocial Care Center (CAPS) in a city in northern Parana, Brazil. Ten weekly meetings of "care groups for mental health staff" were carried out, with experiential activities followed by group discussion. The qualitative analysis of field diary allowed some themes identification such as: "Self-care: taking responsibility in reducing vulnerability," "From individualistic position to the collective project" and "Giving new meanings to teamwork". It was concluded that the intervention resulted in important reflections about daily professional issues that reflected in participants professional practices. It was highlighted that the care groups may constitute useful strategy for professional development in the mental health field.

Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

This dissertation is comprised of three manuscripts that coalesce around the topics of Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. Each manuscript is formatted for publication and the dissertation itself is prefaced by information that explains my background and how it connects to my current research. As such, the work contained in this dissertation is a product of my experiences as a social studies teacher, special educator, and administrator. Henceforth, my work focuses on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. My research interests culminate in a three-article dissertation. The first paper is entitled, "Using Dewey to Problematize the Notion of Disability in Public Education." A version of this paper is currently under review for publication. In this paper I situate Dewey's theoretical underpinnings in the conversation around special education. Previous scholars of Dewey and disability have examined the ways in which his work speaks to educational growth and educational opportunity; my work adds to this body of research. However, my work is unique in that not only do I discuss pluralistic, communicative, participatory democracy as it pertains to students with disabilities, I also examine how Deweyan democracy can take shape, specifically within the context of an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) meeting. I conclude by arguing that Deweyan democracy is not only ideal, but realistic, attainable, and necessary, especially in the lives of students with disabilities. In my second paper, I use the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) dataset in a paper entitled, "Can We Meet Our Mission? Examining the Professional Development of Social Studies Teachers to Support Students with Disabilities and Emergent Bilingual Learners." A version of this paper has been accepted for publication in The Journal of Social Studies Research. In this work, I first examine the social studies scholarship looking at students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners, as well as research about the nature of professional development within the social studies. I then analyze the number of students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners that we support in the social studies to provide a portrait of the field. Next, I examine the extent to which social studies teachers receive professional development to support those student groups, as well as the extent to which the social studies teachers found the professional development to be useful. My findings indicate that social studies teachers do not receive substantial professional development to support the learning of all students, as evidenced by the limited amount of professional development received focusing on students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners. In my third paper, I build on previous research examining the possibilities and benefits of participating in informal learning spaces such as Twitter in a paper entitled, "'So I Feel Like We Were Theoretical, Whereas They Actually Do It': Navigating Twitter Chats For Teacher Education." A version of this paper is also under review for publication. In this paper, specifically, I examine the experiences and perceptions of pre-service social studies teachers who particip¬¬¬¬ated in a discipline specific Twitter chat known as #sschat. My findings indicate that pre-service teachers found value in the chat when they were able to share resources with practicing teachers and build professional learning networks. However, there were instances when the pre-service teachers felt like they contributed little because they did not have direct experience with teaching. Additionally, the pre-service teachers expressed dissatisfaction with using Twitter as a platform for professional chats. However, I still contend and conclude that the utility of such chats outweighs the negatives. Therefore, this study sheds light on the potentiality and necessity of utilizing Twitter chats as a space to provide ongoing and systematic support to pre-service teachers to help not only them, but the field of social studies education move forward. These papers when considered together form a foundation of scholarship and further inquiry focused on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education, on which I plan to build in the years to come. ; Doctor of Philosophy ; When I completed my undergraduate social studies teaching program, the job market appeared bleak in the coalfields of southwest Virginia. Coal, no longer king, had driven the economy for years. With its decline, my community barely managed to survive. My advisor at the time, honest and plain-spoken, told me that unless I obtained a license in special education, I would most likely not obtain a teaching job. Unlike many other areas of the country, in my hometown unless you could do other things like coach or drive a bus, a license to teach social studies was of little value. There was not much money and a new hire had to be willing to do many different jobs to prove his or her worth. Luckily, I had gotten my Commercial Driver License (CDLs) through a training program offered by the county school board, and I was consequently able to obtain a position, although not as a social studies teacher. I started my career in education as a special educator and substitute school bus driver. In this position I worked in an alternative education setting and taught vocational skills to secondary students with significant disabilities (in the institutional meaning of the word). From the start of my career, I aspired to become an administrator, so I enrolled in and completed a degree in Administration and Supervision. As I was working on that degree, I moved to the general education high school level, where I held a position teaching social studies and special education in an inclusive setting. Shortly thereafter, I obtained a job as an assistant principal. The part I enjoyed most about this position was working with and thinking about how to help teachers become better at their craft. At this point is when I decided to pursue a PhD in social studies education, so I could develop my interest into a body of research and eventually a career. Two years into my PhD program I was still grappling with who I was as a scholar. As I familiarized myself with social studies scholarship, I discovered that in my first position as an alternative education special educator, I was essentially preparing my students for the responsibilities of citizenship, which is the mission of the field of social studies (NCSS, 2013). Nevertheless, it was not until I started reading the work of John Dewey that I truly realized the complexity of what I experienced when I taught in the alternative education setting. That position allowed me to examine an element that I otherwise, would not have had the privilege to see; the complexity and intellect required for physical labor (Rose, 2004) and the inter-workings of true, vibrant, Deweyan democracy. Deweys work sparked a new interest in me and I started developing a deep-seated curiosity about how his theoretical underpinnings related to disability and democratic education. My interest in disability then caused me to ask other questions about social studies in relation to special education, which made me reflect on my prior experiences as a social studies educator. Although I had a license in special education, there were many instances in which I felt unprepared and unsupported in addressing the needs of all students in my classes which included general education students, students with disabilities (SWDs), and emergent bilingual learners (EBLs). I began to wonder if my feelings of unpreparedness and lack of support were in isolation. As I parsed the literature, I found that there was not a significant amount of research focused specifically on the extent to which social studies teachers felt they were prepared and supported to address the needs of all learners in their classroom. Additionally, my experience in both public education and teacher education gave me insight to realize that school systems do not have funding to provide specialized professional development and similarly, teacher education is under financial constraints as well. Therefore, I began examining what informal spaces such as Twitter offer educators in terms of professional support and development. My interests and curiosity fueled my scholarly work and eventually culminated into three distinct, but interconnected manuscripts. The three manuscripts that follow coalesce around my interests in Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education.

The relationship of civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties in post-Suharto Indonesia: a women's CSO perspective This study seeks to examine the distant relationship that exists between CSOs and parties within the new Indonesian democracy because of their nature of organizations and the influence of political and social structures to their relations. The main research question in this study is: How does the distant relationship between women's CSOs and political parties affect selected gender equality issues in post-Suharto Indonesia? This is supported by two sub-questions: (1) to what extent have Indonesian women's CSOs been linked with political parties since the fall of Suharto in 1998? (2) How distant relationships between women's CSOs and parties contribute to the development of women's political representation in Indonesia? The aim of this study is to contribute to the existing theories about political parties and society that elaborate on political representation from a women's civil society organizational perspective. The results will provide capacity-building development insights for women's civil society actors and members of political parties who want to learn more about the dynamics of both these institutions and the strategies that political parties and CSOs use to establish and develop relationships in Indonesia. This study can be categorized as a single case study with a synchronic and diachronic variations This study uses a combined co-variational analysis and causal-process tracing to explore suitable inquiries from observations of two events: the policy-making process for gender issues and women's political representation roles. This dissertation broadly asserts two hypotheses. First, it hypothesizes that enabling environmental factors (internal and external) in the relationship between women's CSOs and political parties explain their contribution to political representation in democracies in general. The second hypothesis is that the informal and distant relations between women's CSOs and political parties have contributed to the development of women's political representation in the consolidated democracy of post-Suharto Indonesia. This study confirms that a distant relationship has been maintained between CSOs and political parties following the decline of the Suharto regime, due to their limited relationship in the political sphere, weak connections, and limited direct influence. Although the distant relationship between women's CSOs and parties in Indonesia appears to support a picture of weak institutionalized party and fragmented CSO, however the autonomy of each organization in terms of their political interactions needs to be balanced to succeed. Two major findings are: the first is enabling combination of environmental factors (external and internal) to shape the distance of the relationship. The second finding is that women's CSOs and party links in the law-making process and certain representation roles are informed by informal and personal relationships. These two major findings indicate a distant relationship between women's CSOs and political party interactions over certain gender equality issues. From tracing several Indonesian historical events and focusing on the late post-Suharto period, the study confirms that this distant relationship has been caused by certain post-cartelization phenomena and weak institutionalization phenomena. What are the implications of this study in terms of the development of democratization theory? First, this study has contributed to the CSO political party linkage theories. Secondly, this study also supports the claim that the role of civil society is to strengthen democratic representation. Third, this study has presented discussions of gender and political theory, particularly in relation to Pitkin (1967)'s three models of political representation: formal, descriptive, and substantive. This study therefore proposes two areas for future research. Firstly, it is suggested that democratization studies require further exploration into the role that authoritarian legacies play in political institutions. It was not possible in this study to fully explore and explain how the roots of authoritarian legacies from the history of Indonesian democracy are still embedded in society today. Such research could focus on the development of religious organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyah which have close attachment with parties and individual politicians until these days. A second rich area for future research is the development and support of empirical political involvement mechanisms for civil society. ; Das Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien in Indonesien seit 1998: Ein Blick auf zivile Frauenorganisationen Diese Studie analysiert das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und Parteien in der indonesischen Demokratie und wie es von politischen und sozialen Strukturen geprägt wird. Die Forschungsfrage dieser Studie ist: Wie beeinflusst das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien Geschlechtergleichheit in post-Suharto Indonesien? Darüber hinaus werden zwei Unterfragen behandelt: (1) Zu welchem Ausmaß sind zivile Frauenorganisationen mit politischen Parteien seit dem Sturz Suhartos im Jahr 1998 verbunden? (2) Trägt das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und Parteien zur politischen Repräsentation von Frauen in Indonesien bei? Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, einen Beitrag zu den existierenden Theorien über politische Parteien und Gesellschaft, die sich mit politischer Repräsentation von zivilen Frauenorganisationen beschäftigen, zu leisten. Die Ergebnisse der Studie liefern nicht nur Erkenntnisse über die Dynamiken zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien, sondern zeigen auch Strategien auf, mit denen Kapazitätsaufbau von weiblichen Zivilakteuren und deren Verhältnis zu politischen Parteien in Indonesien gefördert werden kann. Bei der vorliegenden Untersuchung handelt es sich um eine Einzelstudie mit synchronischen und diachronischen Variationen. Es wird eine kombinierte kovariierte Analyse und kausales Process Tracing angewandt, um zwei Phänomene zu untersuchen: den Prozess von Politikgestaltung bezüglich Geschlechterfragen und die politische Repräsentation von Frauen. Diese Dissertation vertritt zwei Hypothesen. Es wird erstens behauptet, dass befähigende interne und externe Faktoren das Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien prägen, welches wiederum das Ausmaß der Repräsentation von Frauen in Demokratien im Allgemeinen erklärt. Als zweite Hypothese ist festzuhalten, dass die informellen und distanzierten Beziehungen zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien zur spezifischen Entwicklung der politischen Repräsentation von Frauen in der jetzigen indonesischen Demokratie beigetragen haben. Diese Studie bestätigt, dass Zivilorganisationen nur begrenzte Verbindungen zur und schwachen direkten Einfluss auf die politische Sphäre haben und sich ein distanziertes Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien nach dem Sturz des Suharto-Regimes aufrechterhält. Die zwei Hauptergebnisse dieser Arbeit sind: Erstens, dass die Kombination befähigender externer und interner Faktoren das distanzierte Verhältnis formt. Zweitens, dass Verbindungen zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und Parteien im Gesetzgebungsverfahren und bei bestimmten repräsentativen Aufgaben von informellen und persönlichen Beziehungen geprägt sind. Diese beiden Hauptergebnisse bezeugen das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien, was auch gemeinsamen Interaktionen zu einer Verbesserung der Gleichberechtigung der Geschlechter im Weg steht. Indem verschiedenen Ereignissen der indonesischen Geschichte mit einer Fokussierung auf die Phase seit 2004, nachgegangen wird, zeigt diese Studie, dass das distanzierte Verhältnis von Kartellbildungen sowie schwacher Institutionalisierung verursacht wurde. Welche Implikationen haben diese Ergebnisse für die Weiterentwicklung von Demokratisierungstheorien? Erstens trägt diese Arbeit zu Theorien über die Verbindungen von Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien bei. Zweitens bestätigt diese Studie die Annahme, dass die Zivilgesellschaft demokratische Repräsentation stärken kann. Drittens diskutiert diese Studie theoretische Ansätze zu Geschlechterverhältnissen und Politik, insbesondere mit Bezugnahme auf Pitkins (1967) drei Modelle politischer Repräsentation, die formal, deskriptiv und substanziell sein kann. Für die weitere wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dem Forschungsgegenstand der Demokratisierung sieht diese Studie zwei Aspekte als wesentlich an. Erstens wird vorgeschlagen, sich intensiver mit der Bedeutung autoritärer Erbschaften für die Entwicklung politischer Institutionen zu beschäftigen. In der vorliegenden Studie war es nicht möglich, ausführlich zu beleuchten, inwiefern autoritäre Erbschaften innerhalb der Gesellschaft des heutigen demokratischen Indonesien eingebettet sind. Eine wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Thematik könnte die Entwicklung religiöser Organisationen wie NU oder Muhammadiyah in den Blick nehmen, da diese bis heute enge Verbindungen zu politischen Parteien und einzelnen Politikern unterhalten. Ein zweiter vielversprechender Aspekt für die zukünftige Forschung liegt in der empirischen Untersuchung der Mechanismen, mit denen politische Beteiligung zur Entwicklung und Unterstützung der Zivilgesellschaft beiträgt.

This paper analyzes recent automotive investment in the Slovak Republic and shows how the development of the automotive industry has influenced growth in productivity and output in the broader economy. The study also discusses the motivations for automotive investment, with the country evolving from a relative laggard in reform implementation and foreign direct investment in the late 1990s to one of the region's top performers and one of the fastest-growing economies. It is argued that strong reform implementation, together with continued and credible commitment to reforms, were both preconditions for attracting automotive investments and the key factors that enabled these investments to flourish. The reform efforts were made possible by strong political consensus on accelerating European Union (EU) accession and boosting living standards. Taking into account the specificity of the industry, other aspects related to factor endowments have also played a role. Generous investment incentives appear to have played an important role in swaying foreign investors in selecting the Slovak Republic within the broader region of central Europe. Once investment in automotive production started, it contributed to additional investment by suppliers that has helped generate locally owned suppliers. These, in turn, are beginning to supply car producers in neighboring countries. All told, the full impact of the original automotive investment will be felt only over several years, but even in the early years it has been substantial. With output at the existing three producers set to reach capacity only by 2010, the impact is likely to be more substantial still.

El reconocimiento de la sexualidad y de la reproducción como derechos se inscribe en el marco de un proceso de transformación de la ciudadanía de la mujer que transcurre en Argentina durante la década de los noventa y primeros años del dos mil. Procura completar un cambio radical en la organización política y social de las relaciones entre géneros, a través de un quiebre de la tradición hegemónica de la cultura patriarcal. Con esa finalidad se propone construir un nuevo orden en el que las mujeres no sólo sean sujetos "con derecho a tener derechos" sino que ese status las constituya en personas con identidad política. Los derechos sexuales y reproductivos marcan el punto de inflexión al profundizar el tránsito hacia la fundación de ese nuevo orden. El desafío fue "desordenar" el "orden" patriarcal conservador para acelerar la instauración de uno nuevo que, inspirado en la libertad, se encamine al logro del equilibrio de géneros mediante la adquisición política de ciudadanía plena para las mujeres. Para ese fin, el "desorden" se propuso instalar el sexo en la esfera pública y desvincularlo de la reproducción dejando en la voluntad de los sujetos la posibilidad de enlazarlos o no como facultades de ciudadanía. El "orden" se ocupó de enquistar y vigilar el sexo en la oscuridad mas íntima de lo prohibido y recluirlo como prisionero de la procreación. Un verdadero conflicto con aspiraciones de transformación social. El "desorden" y el "orden" encaminan tanto una estrategia de procedimiento como de contenido para concretar sus cometidos. Mientras el "desorden" acecha al "orden" patriarcal, y viceversa, intenta simultáneamente avanzar en la construcción de un nuevo orden social. Este recorrido transcurre a través de situaciones permanentes de disputas en los cuales sus actores se inscriben en la lucha en dos escenarios de confrontación: los que buscan defender la libertad y los que pretenden combatir la libertad. Esos escenarios definen, respectivamente, a los protagonistas del "desorden" y a los protagonistas del "orden". El consenso, en sus diversas formas, es adoptado por los protagonistas como recurso democrático para administrar el conflicto y encausarlo institucionalmente en la esfera pública. El consensus iuris expresa el desenlace de resultados del conflicto a través de la "inmunidad inducida" que exhibe la Ley Nacional de Salud Sexual y Procreación Responsable. Era el consenso posible, no el deseable para el movimiento feminista, el que podían brindar las fuerzas progresistas de la democracia laica en el marco de un orden patriarcal. La libertad del cuerpo todavía seguía siendo una aspiración, no un derecho. Es esta una asignatura pendiente del "ser ciudadana". Recognition of sexuality and reproduction as rights is registered in the framework of a process of women's transformation of citizenship, which takes place in Argentina during the nineties and early two thousand. It tries to complete a radical change in the socio-political organization of gender relations through a break in the hegemonic tradition of patriarchal culture. This being the aim, it tries to build a new order where women are not only subjects "with the right to have rights" but that status makes them people with political identity. Sexual and reproductive rights show the inflection point analyzing the passage to the foundation of that new order. The challenge was to "disorder" the conservative patriarchal "order" so as to accelerate the establishment of a new one, which, inspired by freedom, heads to a gender balance accomplishment through the political acquisition of full citizenship for women. For that to take place, "disorder" tried to set up sex in the public sphere and dissociate it from reproduction, leaving to the will of the subjects the possibility to join them together or not as faculties of citizenship. The "order" was in charge of cramming and watching sex in the darkest intimacy of what's forbidden and confining it as a procreation prisoner. So as to achieve their mission, "order" and "disorder" direct both a procedure and content strategy. While "disorder" lies in wait for patriarchal "order" and vice versa, it tries, at the same time, to advance in the construction of a new social order. This path takes place through permanent argument situations where the actors are struggling in two confrontation scenarios: those in search of defending freedom and those trying to fight it. Those scenarios respectively define the main characters of "disorder" and "order". Consensus, in it diverse forms, is adopted by the main characters as a democratic resource in order to manage conflict and direct it in the public sphere in an institutional manner. "Consensus iuris" expresses the outcome of the conflict results through "induced immunity", showed in the National Sexual Health and Responsible Procreation Law. For the Women's Movements the consensus was the possible one, not the desired one; the one which could be provided by the progressive forces of secular democracy in the framework of a patriarchal order. Freedom of the body was still an ambition, not a right. This is a "being a citizen" pending issue.

Розкрито роль громадського контролю в запобіганні та виявленні корупції у сфері публічних закупівель, доведено наявність законодавчого підґрунтя та баз даних для виявлення, оцінки та усунення корупційних ризиків та фактів корупції в діяльності розпорядників публічних коштів, наведено приклади нормативних документів, які регламентують діяльність громадських рад, впровадження громадського контролю в публічних закупівлях, обов'язковість оприлюднення інформації про публічні фінанси, зазначені причини гальмування розвитку громадського контролю в Україні, зокрема в сфері публічних закупівель, та запропоновано шляхи активізації громадського контролю. Акцентовано на ролі держави при налагодженні ефективної взаємодії влади з інститутами громадянського суспільства, на прикладі двох міністерств доведено недієвість громадських рад як безпосередніх органів громадського контролю при центральних органах виконавчої влади. ; Problem setting. One of the main prerequisites for the detection of corruption offenses and the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures is active citizens who are interested in overcoming this phenomenon. An active, influential and developed civil society is an important element of any democratic state. Such civil society plays a key role in implementation of urgent social changes, development and realization of effective public policies in various spheres, solving political, socio-economic and humanitarian problems.Recent research and publications analysis. A. Mykhnenko, Yu. Surmin, E. Nevmerzhytskyi, M. Mesiuk and other scientists investigated the issues of civil society development and, accordingly, the introduction of effective public control, including in the public procurement sphere. Scientists consider the influence of civil society on various spheres of state activity, reveal the problems of interaction between government authorities and civil society institutions as well as study the foreign experience of civil society activities and public control. The study of the reasons for the low interaction of government authorities with the public in our country and ways of improving the state-management mechanisms of such interaction are urgent.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In order to reveal the role, possibilities and influence of public control on socio-economic, political and other processes and transformations in the state, including public procurement, it is necessary to clarify and realize the meaning of this concept.The purpose of the research paper is to reveal the role of public control in the fight against corruption, to prove the necessity of creating the proper normative basis for the development of civil society institutions, reporting and accountability to the society for the fulfillment of public duties.Paper main body. It was established that the definition of the term "public control" in the Ukrainian legislation is currently absent. However, the following interpretation can be considered as accurate: public control is one of the types of social control exercised by associations of citizens as well as by citizens themselves. At the same time, it is indisputable from the practice of developed civilized countries that the level of public control is a reflection of democracy in the state, an indicator of the influence of citizens on the management of society and state.The role of public control in preventing and detecting of corruption in the public procurement sphere was disclosed as well as the existence of legislative bases and databases in order to identify, assess and eliminate corruption risks and corruption cases in the activities of public funds managers was proved. Examples of normative documents regulating the activities of public councils, introduction of public control in public procurement, mandatory publication of information on public finances and the reasons for the inhibition of the development of public control in Ukraine, in particular in the public procurement sphere, were provided.It was proved that the work of the public councils needs the assessment and changing of the approaches to the functioning. In order to extend the legitimate rights of civil society institutions to access to public finances, unimpeded attendance at commissions, committees, working groups, etc., it is proposed to supplement the Provision on the Public Council with the following paragraph 6: "Have the right to unimpeded presence (without the right to vote) in the amount not more than two representatives from a public association at meetings of commissions, committees, working groups, etc., whose purpose is the formation, use or distribution of public resources, with the possibility of photo, video or audio fixation of the meeting". The attention is focused on the role of the state in establishing effective cooperation between government authorities and civil society institutes; on the example of the two ministries the ineffectiveness of public councils as direct bodies of public control at the central executive authorities is proved.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. A consistent, powerful and independent cell of adequate interaction, and in some cases, the struggle for democracy, freedom of speech and human rights has not yet been created in Ukraine due to insufficient activity, consciousness, lack of motivation of civil society and despite open access to information sources, the opportunity to influence on socio-economic and political processes in the state. Only by creating favorable conditions for the development of civil society institutions, by establishing effective safeguards for possible abuse by representatives of public entities and by establishing the interaction between government authorities and the public, it is possible to achieve the desired goal: to build a conscious, active and modern civil society, which will ensure the implementation of one of the key functions of a democratic state – public control over socioeconomic processes, including public procurements.

One of those things that we're seeing said out there. Only 4% of estates pay inheritance tax. Yet 30% of people are against the tax on the basis that they might have to pay it. Well, of course, it's possible to blame the innumeracy of the general population, which is what many are doing.An alternative to that is to actually think - yes, yes, we know, this is politics, cogitation is not a positive value here - and to wonder why? Why does such a large portion of the population hate this tax upon dead people? Who, after all, can't complain that much, they are dead after all.Yes, we are aware that there's a darn good classical liberal argument for a 100% inheritance tax. We could - should - succeed by our own efforts not by membership of the lucky sperm club. There is also that opposing - and still classically liberal idea - than an increasing portion of the population economically independent of the State might lead to that desired outcome of a smaller state. But leave aside the theory for a moment. Why do so many hate something that won't affect them? One asnwer is that it doesn't matter. Assume, for a moment, that we are a democracy - ahahaha. So, if the folks are against it then it doesn't happen. You know, will of the people and all that.But that point that only 4% of estates pay inheritance tax yet 30% think they will be affected. How do we explain that? The most obvious point is that the incidence of inheritance tax is not actually upon estates. Yes, there is that Australian finding that people will time their death so that death duties do not have to be paid. But, you know. The real point is that the incidence of interitance tax is not upon the dead nor their estates. Recall what tax incidence actually studies. Whose wallet gets lighter as a result of the tax? Given shrouds and pockets it's not the dead, is it? It's the people who inherit less money as a result of the tax. So the number of people against inheritance tax is not the number of people whose estate will be subject to it when they die, it's the number of people who think they might inherit from one when someone does. We're all, as we know, part of that complex system that is society. Inheritance - even perhaps of modest amounts - is common enough among nieces, nephews, friends as well as direct descendants. The number of people against inheritance tax is not the number dying, it's those not benefitting from those dying. Or, rather, benefitting less.This does not, we are aware, answer the question of whether inheritance tax is just, righeous, or the robbing of those no longer able to complain. But it does answer why so many are agin' it. The incidence of inheritance tax is not upon the dead, nor their estates. It's upon those who inherit less as a result of the tax. And that might be greedy, a desire for unearned wealth, inequity producing or even bourgeois freedom generating. But there are many more people hoping to inherit than there are estates being inherited from. Which is why the number of those opposing inheritance tax is higher than the number of estates being taxed.Seems fairly obvious to us to be honest but we've not seen it mentioned elsewhere as yet. The opposition to inheritance tax is those who think they'll receive less money as a result of it. Which, you know, is obvious, no?

The purpose of this work results from the title and subtitle. It has been recalled what was the origin of the 1994 reform to the Argentine Constitution, highlighting how the agreements that preceded it were developed and how they progressively expanded, until arriving at a consensual and legitimate reform, which successfully consolidated democracy against military coups and illegitimate governments that prevailed in the twentieth century, which contributed to greater balance and efficiency among the powers of the State (although there are still remnants of the "hyper-presidentialism" that it sought to overcome), and expanded the exposure of human rights and their guarantees. The 25 years that have elapsed since its sanction until now are analyzed from the perspective of the new "challenges" that threaten the reform program and institutions, given the new historical world circumstances. In this sense, the conceptual "challenges" that affect the five great aims of the reform are outlined, specially the poverty growth in the country. For this last reason, special attention is given to the constitutional bases of a federal economic and social development, which were also provided as central aims of the reform, and the need to create institutions of consultation of that nature, which allow continuing and privileging the spirit of the agreements and consensus that gave rise to the reform to direct the legal order to close the multiple "cracks" to which the subtitle refers. ; Fil: García Lema, Alberto Manuel. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho Constitucional. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: García Lema, Alberto Manuel. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas. Cátedra Instituciones de Derecho Público. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: García Lema, Alberto Manuel. Universidad del Salvador. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas. Cátedra Ciencias Políticas. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Tema: A veinticinco años de la Reforma Constitucional / Coordinador Alberto R. Dalla Vía. --Doctrina: la reforma constitucional de 1994.-- Resumen: El propósito del trabajo resulta del título y subtítulo. Se ha recordado cuál fue el origen de la reforma de 1994 a la Constitución argentina, destacando cómo se gestaron los acuerdos que la precedieron y cómo se ampliaron progresivamente, hasta arribar a una reforma consensuada y legítima, que consolidó exitosamente la democracia contra los golpes militares y gobiernos de facto que predominaron en el sigloXX, que contribuyó a un mayor equilibrio y eficacia entre los poderes del Estado (aunque subsistan resabios del "hiperpresidencialismo" que pretendió superar), y amplió la exposición de los derechos humanos y sus garantías. Se analizan los 25 años que transcurrieron desde su sanción hasta ahora desde la perspectiva de los nuevos "desafíos" que amenazan al programa e instituciones de la reforma, ante las nuevas circunstancias históricas mundiales. En este sentido, se esbozan los "desafíos" conceptuales que afectan a los cinco grandes fines de la reforma, y de modo principal el crecimiento de la pobreza en el país. Por esta última razón, se presta especial atención a las bases constitucionales de un desarrollo económico y social federal, que fueron también previstas como fines centrales de la reforma, y a la necesidad de crear instituciones de concertación de ese carácter, que permitan continuar y privilegiar el espíritu de los acuerdos y consensos que dieron origen a la reforma para direccionar el orden jurídico a cerrar las múltiples "grietas" a las que alude el subtítulo.

Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne (AB) katılım müzakereleri üç temel başlıkkapsamında yürütülmektedir. Bunlardan birincisi Kopenhag siyasi kriterlerininistisnasız olarak uygulanması ve siyasi reformların derinleştirilerek içselleştirilmesi,ikincisi AB Müktesebatının kabul edilerek uygulanması, üçüncüsü sivil toplumdiyaloğunun güçlendirilmesi ve bu kapsamda AB ve Türkiye kamuoylarına yönelik biriletişim stratejisinin yürütülmesidir. Türkiye AB tarafından aday ve potansiyel adayülkelere sağlanmakta olan fonlardan yararlanmaktadır. AB, sosyal, ekonomik, politikreformlar aracılığıyla Türkiye'yi etkilemektedir. Bu çalışma kapsamında Türkiye've ABarasındaki mali işbirliği, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı ve özellikle bu araç altındaoluşturulan sivil toplum sektörü incelenmiştir. Bu çalışma özellikle Katılım ÖncesiYardım Aracı altında tasarlanan sivil toplum sektörü hakkında net bir çerçeve çizerekve Avrupalılaşmayı sosyal kurumsalcılık yaklaşımı ile ele alarak mali işbirliğiniincelemektedir. Bu açıdan tez, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı sivil toplum sektörükapsamında yürütülen çalışmaların ilgili aktörlere ve Türkiye'nin Avrupalılaşmasürecine artan bir etkisi olduğunu belirtmektedir. Çalışma, mali işbirliği kapsamındaTürkiye'nin sivil toplum sektörünü desteklemesinin maddi beklentinin ötesinde, bualandaki çalışmaların ülkenin demokrasi anlayışının gelişmesine ve ülkenin faydasınaolacağına yönelik inancın bir sonucu olarak gerçekleştirildiğini söylemektedir.ivÇalışma kapsamında bilgi, derinlemesine mülakatlar yoluyla toplanmıştır.Çalışmanın sonuçları, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı sivil toplum sektörünün kurallar,kurumlar ve aktörlerin çalışma süreçleri üzerinde belirli değişikliklere yol açtığınıgöstermektedir. AB'nin aday ülkeler üzerinde, fonların kullanılmasına yönelik şartlarkoşulması yoluyla yukarıdan aşağıya doğru ve doğrudan zorlayıcı bir etkisi olmasınarağmen, mali işbirliği Türkiye'de özellikle sivil toplum sektöründe değişimihızlandırmaktadır. Türkiye'nin Avrupalılaşması sürecinde, mali işbirliği mekanizmasıyoluyla sağlanan finansal teşviklerin ötesinde, tutumlar, tercihler ve uygulamalar temelolarak uygunluk mantığı ile uyumlu bir şekilde şekillenmektedir. Bu çalışmakapsamındaki araştırma, Merkezi Olmayan Yapılanma çerçevesinde yürütülen KatılımÖncesi Yardım Aracı altından seçilen bir sektörle sınırlandırılmıştır. --- Turkey's European Union (EU) accession negotiations are conducted on threepillars. The first one is about the fulfilling the Copenhagen political criteria with noexceptions and assimilating and speeding up the political reforms, the second one is theadoption and implementation of the EU Acquis Communautaire and the third is aboutstrengthening dialogue with civil society and implementation of a communicationstrategy towards the societies of EU and Turkey. In line with the accession framework,Turkey benefits from the EU funds provided to the candidate and potential candidatecountries. The EU has effect on Turkey through social, economic and political reforms.In this study, financial cooperation between Turkey and the EU, Instrument for Pre-Accession (IPA) and specifically civil society sector designed under IPA are analysed.This study deals with the financial cooperation, giving a clear framework on IPA civilsociety sector and explains the associated Europeanisation process from a sociologicalinstitutionalism perspective. From this standpoint, the thesis argues that worksconducted under IPA civil society sector have increasing impact on actors and Turkey'sEuropeanisation process. The thesis says that for Turkey, civil society sector issupported under financial cooperation not for receiving financial benefits, but as a resultiiof a belief towards these efforts are for development of democracy in Turkey and for thecountry's own good.In this study, data has been collected via in-dept interviews. The findings of thestudy show that IPA civil society sector has created certain changes on norms,institutions and on working processes of actors. Although the EU has a top-down effectfor candidate countries and creates coercive-direct influence by putting conditionalityfor funds, financial cooperation has also stimulated change in Turkey, especially in thecivil society sector. Attitudes, preferences and implementations are shaped throughfinancial cooperation mechanism in line with logic of appropriateness, beyond thematerial incentives, and this accelerates the Europeanisation process of Turkey. Thescope of the study will be restricted to the selected sector designed under IPADecentralised Implementation System.

Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne (AB) katılım müzakereleri üç temel başlık kapsamında yürütülmektedir. Bunlardan birincisi Kopenhag siyasi kriterlerinin istisnasız olarak uygulanması ve siyasi reformların derinleştirilerek içselleştirilmesi, ikincisi AB Müktesebatının kabul edilerek uygulanması, üçüncüsü sivil toplum diyaloğunun güçlendirilmesi ve bu kapsamda AB ve Türkiye kamuoylarına yönelik bir iletişim stratejisinin yürütülmesidir. Türkiye AB tarafından aday ve potansiyel aday ülkelere sağlanmakta olan fonlardan yararlanmaktadır. AB, sosyal, ekonomik, politik reformlar aracılığıyla Türkiye'yi etkilemektedir. Bu çalışma kapsamında Türkiye've AB arasındaki mali işbirliği, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı ve özellikle bu araç altında oluşturulan sivil toplum sektörü incelenmiştir. Bu çalışma özellikle Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı altında tasarlanan sivil toplum sektörü hakkında net bir çerçeve çizerek ve Avrupalılaşmayı sosyal kurumsalcılık yaklaşımı ile ele alarak mali işbirliğini incelemektedir. Bu açıdan tez, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı sivil toplum sektörü kapsamında yürütülen çalışmaların ilgili aktörlere ve Türkiye'nin Avrupalılaşma sürecine artan bir etkisi olduğunu belirtmektedir. Çalışma, mali işbirliği kapsamında Türkiye'nin sivil toplum sektörünü desteklemesinin maddi beklentinin ötesinde, bu alandaki çalışmaların ülkenin demokrasi anlayışının gelişmesine ve ülkenin faydasına olacağına yönelik inancın bir sonucu olarak gerçekleştirildiğini söylemektedir. iv Çalışma kapsamında bilgi, derinlemesine mülakatlar yoluyla toplanmıştır. Çalışmanın sonuçları, Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı sivil toplum sektörünün kurallar, kurumlar ve aktörlerin çalışma süreçleri üzerinde belirli değişikliklere yol açtığını göstermektedir. AB'nin aday ülkeler üzerinde, fonların kullanılmasına yönelik şartlar koşulması yoluyla yukarıdan aşağıya doğru ve doğrudan zorlayıcı bir etkisi olmasına rağmen, mali işbirliği Türkiye'de özellikle sivil toplum sektöründe değişimi hızlandırmaktadır. Türkiye'nin Avrupalılaşması sürecinde, mali işbirliği mekanizması yoluyla sağlanan finansal teşviklerin ötesinde, tutumlar, tercihler ve uygulamalar temel olarak uygunluk mantığı ile uyumlu bir şekilde şekillenmektedir. Bu çalışma kapsamındaki araştırma, Merkezi Olmayan Yapılanma çerçevesinde yürütülen Katılım Öncesi Yardım Aracı altından seçilen bir sektörle sınırlandırılmıştır. --- Turkey's European Union (EU) accession negotiations are conducted on three pillars. The first one is about the fulfilling the Copenhagen political criteria with no exceptions and assimilating and speeding up the political reforms, the second one is the adoption and implementation of the EU Acquis Communautaire and the third is about strengthening dialogue with civil society and implementation of a communication strategy towards the societies of EU and Turkey. In line with the accession framework, Turkey benefits from the EU funds provided to the candidate and potential candidate countries. The EU has effect on Turkey through social, economic and political reforms. In this study, financial cooperation between Turkey and the EU, Instrument for Pre- Accession (IPA) and specifically civil society sector designed under IPA are analysed. This study deals with the financial cooperation, giving a clear framework on IPA civil society sector and explains the associated Europeanisation process from a sociological institutionalism perspective. From this standpoint, the thesis argues that works conducted under IPA civil society sector have increasing impact on actors and Turkey's Europeanisation process. The thesis says that for Turkey, civil society sector is supported under financial cooperation not for receiving financial benefits, but as a result ii of a belief towards these efforts are for development of democracy in Turkey and for the country's own good. In this study, data has been collected via in-dept interviews. The findings of the study show that IPA civil society sector has created certain changes on norms, institutions and on working processes of actors. Although the EU has a top-down effect for candidate countries and creates coercive-direct influence by putting conditionality for funds, financial cooperation has also stimulated change in Turkey, especially in the civil society sector. Attitudes, preferences and implementations are shaped through financial cooperation mechanism in line with logic of appropriateness, beyond the material incentives, and this accelerates the Europeanisation process of Turkey. The scope of the study will be restricted to the selected sector designed under IPA Decentralised Implementation System.