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The paper presents the research carried out in the school year 2018-19 in preschools of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. The aim of the research was to assess the role of preschool teachers in supporting and enriching child's play, gain insight into children's actions in relation to it, as well as to ascertain the dominant perspective of the children and adults in the play. One hundred forty-five preschool teachers had been interviewed. The results have shown that teachers have had a shift of focus in understanding child's play and assessing its efficiency. Even though teachers in general see play as a free child's activity, it has become apparent they perceive it more as a learning method than a free child's action. Play with rules was introduced to all age groups of children, including nursery. The play implemented in the research was assessed as successful, and the preschool teacher's role was to guide or observe it. Even though the question of the relation in which the child enters and builds its own experiences is seen as an imperative in contemporary educational policies, teachers have stated that they are mostly focused on either their own or the child's perspective. The research has confirmed the presence of a tendency for didactisation of play and showed the need for new insights into this significant child's activity. ; U radu je prikazano istraživanje koje je provedeno u školskoj godini 2018./19. u dječjim vrtićima na području Autonomne Pokrajine Vojvodine. Cilj je istraživanja procijeniti ulogu odgajatelja u podržavanju i obogaćivanju dječjih igara, uvid u stvaranje djece u odnosu na igru kao i percepciju dominantne perspektive djeteta ili odrasle osobe u igri. Intervjuirano je 145 odgajatelja. Rezultati su pokazali da se odgajatelj usredotočio na razumijevanje dječje igre i procjenu njezine izvedbe. Iako odgajatelji u načelu shvaćaju igru kao slobodnu dječju aktivnost, pokazalo se da je ona viđena kao metoda učenja, a ne kao slobodno dječje djelovanje. Uvodili su igru s pravilima u sve dobne skupine djece, uključujući jaslice. U procesu igre uspješno su ocijenili svoju ulogu upravljanja i nadzora. Iako pitanje odnosa u koje dijete ulazi i gradi vlastita iskustva vide kao imperativ u suvremenim odgojno-obrazovnim politikama, odgajatelji su izjavili da su uglavnom usmjereni ili na vlastitu ili na dječju perspektivu. Istraživanje je potvrdilo postojanje tendencije za didaktizaciju igre i otvorilo potrebu za novim spoznajama o ovoj značajnoj dječjoj aktivnosti.

Iako su SAD jedna od država koja ne predviđa oblike neposredne demokracije na razini federacije, ustavi članica američke federacije prihvaćaju instituciju ustavne i zakonodavne inicijative – jedan od ključnih elemenata za njihovo razlikovanje od Ustava SAD-a. Građani 24 savezne države SAD-a neposredno su od 1904. do kraja 2005. odlučivali o 2.155 ustavnih i zakonskih prijedloga, u 21. stoljeću Amerikanci očekuju širenje novog ustavnog populizma – uporabe institucija neposredne demokracije. Autorice tumače ustavna rješenja i stvarne učinke primjene navedenih institucijana oblikovanje državne politike u tim državama. ; Although the USA is one of the states that does not have provisions for the forms of direct democracy at federal level, the constitutions of American federal states have accepted the institute of constitutional and legal initiative, which is one of the key elements that differs them from the Constitution of the United States of America. The citizens of 24 American federal states directly decided about 2,155 constitutional and law drafts between 1904 and 2005. The American people expect the institutions of direct democracy to be used more extensively in the 21st century. The authors explain constitutional solutions and the effects of implementation of these institutes on the shaping of state policies in the respective federal states. The institute is used for bypassing the state legislatures in order to limit their freedom of action by constitutionalising the political choices. Tax- -reduction initiatives limit the revenues legislatures can levy and spend, and thus control the damage. This institute is becoming a means of launching changes in different public areas, such as taxes and expenditures, campaign financing, public education. However, the state legislatures can limit effects of the successful initiatives by withholding financial aid necessary for their implementation. State policy does not finish at the moment the initiatives are adopted by citizens. Sanctions depend on citizens' ability to establish the facts about the compliance with the decisions made by direct citizens' participation, and on clarity of the texts adopted by initiatives.

U ovom radu analiziraju se čimbenici koji određuju izravna strana ulaganja, posebice uloga prirodnih resursa, te gospodarskih i političkih karakteristika zemlje domaćina. Istraživanje se proširuje na postojeću literaturu usredotočujući se na četiri široke skupine zemalja: napredne, tržišta u nastajanju, zemlje u razvoju i tranzicijska gospodarstva, a panel podataka za razdoblje od 1996. do 2016. godine uključuje više od 100 zemalja. U radu se također istražuje scenarij tijekom velikih ekonomskih kriza – azijske krize, Dotcom Bubble, globalne financijske krize i krize državnog duga. Rezultati pokazuju da se s vremenom odrednice ulaznih izravnih stranih ulaganja mijenjaju i da obrasci nisu ujednačeni u četiri skupine zemalja. Nadalje, u radu se uspoređuju odrednice dviju glavnih skupine zemalja, a to su: tržište u nastajanju i zemlje u razvoju provođenjem Chow testa uz jednake koeficijente. Vidljivo je da gospodarski rast i veličina tržišta imaju snažniji pozitivni utjecaj na priljev izravnih stranih ulaganja na tržišta u nastajanju nego na gospodarstva u razvoju. Također, gospodarstva s tržištima u nastajanju su tijekom globalne financijske krize doživjela manji priljev izravnih stranih ulaganja u usporedbi s gospodarstvima u razvoju. Ovi rezultati imaju važne implikacije za donositelje politika jer mogu pomoći u prepoznavanju regionalnih čimbenika koji privlače priljev kapitala. ; This paper analyses the factors determining inward foreign direct investment, particularly the role of natural endowments and economic and political characteristics of the host country. It expands on the existing literature by focusing on four broad groups of countries: advanced , emerging-market, developing and transition economies, comprising of more than 100 countries in a panel data setting for the period 1996 – 2016. The paper also examines the scenario during the major economic crises ‒ Asian crisis, Dotcom Bubble, Global Financial crisis and Sovereign Debt crisis. The results indicate that the determinants of inward foreign direct investment have changed over time and that the patterns are not uniform across the four country groups. Furthermore, the paper compares the determinants of two major country groups, namely ‒ emerging-market and developing countries by conducting Chow test for equality of coefficients. It is seen that the economic growth and market size has a stronger positive influence on inward FDI flow to emerging-market than to developing economies. Also, emerging-market economies experienced a smaller flow of FDI during Global Financial crisis compared to developing economies. These results have important implications for the policy makers as they can help to identify the regional factors that attract capital inflows.

Hrvatski ustav promijenjen je 2010. godine kako bi se snizili uvjeti za provedbu neposredne demokracije na nacionalnoj razini, te na taj način spasio referendum o članstvu Hrvatske u Europskoj uniji od vjerojatnog neuspjeha. Od tada je u Hrvatskoj došlo do naglog uspona građanskih inicijativa putem kojih je zaustavljana provedba nekoliko vladinih reformskih prijedloga. Stoga se može reći da je u Hrvatskoj recentna privlačnost neposredne demokracije stvorila novo okružje za djelovanje predstavničke demokracije. Počevši od teorijskih razmišljanja, ovaj članak analizira praksu neposredne demokracije u odabranim tranzicijskim zemljama, koja bi mogla biti poučna za Hrvatsku. Središnji dio članka razmatra prepreke na putu prema učinkovitoj provedbi neposredne demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; In 2010 the Croatian Constitution was changed to lower the requirements for the implementation of direct democracy at the national level, in order to save the referendum on Croatia's EU membership from possible failure. Since then, Croatia has witnessed a sharp increase in people's initiatives that have managed to block a number of the government's reform proposals. Therefore, the newly discovered appeal of direct democracy in Croatia has created a new environment for the operation of its representative democracy. Starting from theoretical notions, this paper analyses the practice of direct democracy in selected transitional countries, which could be instructive for Croatia. In its central part, the paper explores the obstacle that stand in the way of the efficient implementation of direct democracy in Croatia.

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the idea of establishing a direct link between the Union and the citizens of particular Members States still has a long path of development before it.

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the ...

In this article the author analyses the innovations in the Treaty of Lisbon, in particular the ones related to the status of European citizenship, i.e. European citizens. Accordingly, he points out the fact that many authors who investigate the significance and reach of the Treaty of Lisbon as a constitutional surrogate fail to see the important innovations related to consolidation and development of the concept of European citizenship. In the first part, the author sketches out the evolution of the European citizenship concept from the first founding treaties of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Community. He concludes that the Treaty on European Union and the constituting of the EU as a supranational political community sui generis marked the beginning of practical realization of the European citizenship concept. This was carried out primarily through policy-measures and pilot-programmes, and then the discussion on the European Constitution incited the shift to a higher level of affirmation of European citizenship. The problem of European citizenship as a political project of construction of an European demos encounters many difficulties and contradictions, and the Treaty of Lisbon links the realization of European citizenship with the spreading of democracy, which has been at the roots of the European integration process from the originally projected model of representative democracy to the model of participative and immediate (direct) democracy. For this reason, the "European citizens' initiative" is an important innovation which provides a new stimulus to the realization of the European citizenship concept. It remains uncertain, however, how firmly this political idea can be established if in some of the EU member-states citizens are still treated as nationals, i.e. if they do not participate in public affairs of their nation-state as much as they should participate even at the very top of the pyramid of a multi-level governance system such as the EU. Adapted from the source document.

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.

The texts focuses on constitutionalisation of democracy in the European Union and the phenomenon of democratic deficit through the failed Constitution for Europe and, thereafter, the Lisbon Treaty, which takes over the definition of democracy as the foundation of the European Union. In this context, the author also looks into the contribution of political scientist Zvonko Posavec, who was one of the first in Croatia to advocate the need for constitutionalisation of the European Union as a project of finalising the process of European integration. While writing about the need for constitutional foundation of the European Union, Posavec simultaneously reflects on representative democracy as the form of democracy on which the European Union is predominantly founded. Beside a valorisation of Posavec's works on democracy in the European Union, this paper deals with the problem of the democratic deficit in the European Union which is manifest in the lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. The author finds, however, that the main deficit of the European Union is not the democratic process, but political alienation. He perceives the latter as alienation of citizens from the EU as a derivative community, non-transparent and distanced from the basic interests of the citizens and the media interest in politics. Although the European Union declaratively relies on basic democratic values, in practice democracy is experienced primarily through a democratic deficit contrasted by a more obvious bureaucratic surfeit of the European political construction. The author asserts that the Lisbon Treaty was a step towards founding the EU on democratic principles inasmuch as it introduced elements of participative democracy, although it did not accept proposals for introduction of direct democracy in the EU. Finally, the author puts forward some ideas which might reduce the degree of political alienation of citizens in relation to the European Union; this requires giving greater authority to the European Parliament, abolishing the monopoly of the legislative initiative of the European Commission, incorporating the Council of the European Union into the European Parliament as the second House, i.e. the European Senate, and consequently implementing the mechanism of consulting the citizens regarding the legislative initiatives of the EU. The author concludes that the democratic deficit and political alienation cannot be overcome in the European Union without overcoming the democratic deficits and concrete forms of political alienation in the member states which the European Union consists. Adapted from the source document.

Izravno inozemno ulaganje i inozemno deinvestiranje dvije su strane iste medalje, jedna detaljno izučena i istražena, druga iznenađujuće zanemarena. Danas na globalnom tržištu postoji snažna borba svake pojedine zemlje u privlačenju što većeg dijela kolača inozemnog kapitala unutar svojih granica. Jedna od mjera kojom se pokušava privući inozemni ulagač upravo su porezni poticaji. No uspješnost te mjere je upitna jer vrlo često po njezinu isteku i inozemni ulagač napušta zemlju. Iz navedenog problema istraživanja proizlazi i glavni cilj ovog rada: ukazati na problematiku vezanu uz porezne poticaje kao jedan od načina privlačenja izravnih inozemnih ulaganja, pružiti detaljan uvid u dosadašnje razumijevanja pojma deinvestiranja te analizirati povezanost poreznih poticaja i deinvestiranja na primjeru Republike Hrvatske. Provedena analiza ukazala je na činjenicu kako na primjeru Republike Hrvatske postoji jasna povezanost između ročnosti poreznih poticaja i deinvestiranja. Prosječna starost inozemnih poduzeća u Republici Hrvatskoj iznosi 9,2 godine što odgovara desetogodišnjem razdoblju trajanja porezne potpore. ; Foreign direct investment and foreign divestment are two sides of the same coin, one studied and researched in detail, the other surprisingly neglected. Today, in the global market, there is a strong struggle of each individual country to attract as much of the cake of foreign capital within its borders. One of the measures that is trying to attract a foreign investor is tax incentives. However, the success of this measure is questionable because very often after its expiration, a foreign investor leaves the country. The main goal of this paper is to point out the issue of tax incentives as one of the ways to attract foreign direct investment, provide a detailed insight into the current understanding of the concept of divestment and analyse the relationship between tax incentives and divestment on the example of the Republic of Croatia. The conducted analysis pointed to the fact that on the example of the ...

The author researched the foreign direct investment flows, patterns & effects in conditions of regional economic integration in Europe. The foreign direct investment presence results in two effects: first, increase in competition, & second, creation of forward & backward linkages between domestic firms & foreign affiliates. The benefits of foreign direct investment for their host countries take the form of various types of externalities or spillovers (of technology, knowledge, productivity). The potential spillover benefits could be realized if domestic firms have the capacity to absorb foreign technologies & skills. References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad ispituje pravne odraze autonomije političkog predstavništva u kontekstu tekuće pandemije. U njemu se iz vizure ustavne teorije razmatraju dva događaja. Jedan je odluka Ustavnog suda o izbornosti uvjeta ograničenja temeljnih prava. Drugi su građanske inicijative kojima se Sabor nastoji prisiliti na pridržavanje tih uvjeta. Koristeći koncept ustavne šutnje kao instrument, ova se dva razvoja povezuje kako bi se istražilo prostore koje Ustav Republike Hrvatske ostavlja političkim praksama, ali i moguće djelovanje građanskih inicijativa na njih. Svrha je toga tvrditi da se građanske inicijative ne može smatrati neustavnima ako ne pokušavaju nadglasati legitimne ustavne šutnje političkog predstavništva. ; In this paper author explores the legal dimensions of the autonomy of the legislature in the context of the current pandemic. The paper is situated in Croatian constitutional theory and is written against the background of two developments. The first one is a decision of the Constitutional Court of Croatia that authorized the Croatian parliament to avoid a more demanding procedure for adopting the restrictions of fundamental rights enacted in the pandemic. The second development is the use of ballot initiatives to force the parliament to adhere to this procedure. Using the concept of constitutional silences as a tool, I bring these two developments together to explore what are the spaces for unwritten political rules left by the Croatian Constitution and how does the ballot initiative challenge them. I do this to argue that ballot initiatives should not be considered unconstitutional when they do not attempt to override legitimate constitutional silences of parliamentary representation.

Privacy protection & data security become important part of business practice. In the same time customers are concernd about personal data missusage. Regarding this, in the world, & finally in Croatia, new laws & codes have been created to regulate & recommend how to communicate with customers & for those who do not respect decency, discretion & safety to set penalties. In direct marketing straight communication with prospective buyers & customers is essential. Target marketing campaigns are based on data base (which f.e. include consumer name, address, information about purchase behaviour etc.). Mailing lists are important for direct marketers because they send advertising materials to the potential buyers. Sometimes consumers are not satisfied with marketing activities because they are frightened of inappropriate data usage, privacy disturbance & bothering. References. Adapted from the source document.