Suchergebnisse

EU programme documents designed to influence the social policies of the member states are filled with concepts of social exclusion and social inclusion. This paper aims to clarify these concepts as they are employed in academic and public policy discourse and to discuss the societal function of this discourse and the impact of the European agenda of social inclusion. The authors show that although concepts of social exclusion and social inclusion are far from straightforward in meaning, their influence on public policy discourse and agenda is evident. The reason is that they redirect social policy towards a multidimensional approach, towards balancing rights and obligations, and towards more complex but also local and individualised policies, though the corresponding discourse bears the normative features of a social 'vision'. The EU's social policy agenda exhibits aspirations towards and some potential for achieving real policy change. On the other hand, there are reservations about its true impact. In this respect, the specifi c societal and political context of its implementation plays a crucial role.

The article explores the energy relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. The focus is, however, not on the technical and institutional aspects of the relationship, but rather on the discursive formations that determine the prevailing interpretation of the relationship by each party. Building on the discourse analysis of 74 textual units produced by EU leaders and institutions, the article discovers the three most salient discursive formations, which centre respectively around three concepts: a) integration, b) liberalization, and c) diversification. The text goes on to assess the main features of these formations, their possible overlaps, and their influence upon EU-Russian energy ties. Adapted from the source document.

At the beginning of the 21st century Europe needs to address terrorist threats more than ever. Both the EU member states & the EU institutions are adopting a whole range of measures to prevent & to fight terrorism. Nevertheless, some of these measures endanger human rights & freedoms. Paradoxically, efforts to enhance security of state could therefore decrease the security of individuals. This article uses the concept of securitization to analyze this process, & attempts to answer the question as to what extent the securitization of terrorism is taking place in the EU. This is done by analyzing some counter-terrorist measures & their perception by the general public. In an extreme case, an intensive securitization could transform current liberal democracies into post-democracies. Adapted from the source document.

This article uses the method of thematic discourse analysis to study jihadi discussion forums in cyberspace. Firstly, this paper deals with propaganda as a form of communication, shows the Internet as a medium that has absorbed all other media, and analyses the terrorist ideas spread through the Internet. The main part of this study focuses on the jihadi discourse, through which jihadists present the Islamic world as suffering under the oppression of the West to persuade a passive Muslim audience to join the jihad. Through an analysis of text extracts from three popular jihadi forums (Alqimmah, Al Fallujah and Ansar Al Mujahideen) the paper deals not only with different types of propaganda, but also with the intentions of the propagandists and the means they use to achieve their goals. Adapted from the source document.

Americans were neither victims nor perpetrators of the Holocaust. Why, then, does this horrific event occupy such a prominent place in their public life & political discourse? With the help of the works by American Jewish historians Norman Finkelstein & Peter Novick, this review article offers a tentative solution to this puzzle. Finkeistein stresses that the Holocaust has been used by the American Jewish elites & organizations for their financial, political & symbolic benefits. Novick does not deny the role of elites & of their instrumental motives but claims that sincere & profitless activities of innumerable "private" Jews & of their informal networks have played no lesser role. According to Novick, four factors contributed to the elevating of the Holocaust to the public pedestal: (1) the transformation of the general atmosphere in theAmerican society from the "integrationism" of the 1950s & 1960s to the "differentialism" of the 1970s & 1980s, (2) the ensuing competition of ethnic & racial groups for the status of the most historically aggrieved minority which motivated Jews to use the Holocaust as a trump against the claims of other groups, (3) the crisis of Jewish identity (brought about by waning religious practices) which made it possible for the Holocaust to function as an Ersatzidentity for Judaism, &, finally, (4) the overrepresentation of the Jews in the media, cultural institutions & entertainment industry which confers upon them a privileged role in the creation & reproduction of hegemonic discourses & images of the larger society. In addition, the reference to the Holocaust has proved useful in justifying tough policies of Israeli governments vis-a-vis the Palestinians & in gaining support for those policies with the American public & government. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the communication policy of the European Union -- specifically, the communication policy of the European Commission. Though the Commission has considered communication policy to be one of its most important priorities in recent years, opinion polls and the behaviour of EU citizens during various elections or referenda show that little progress has yet been made in this field. The authors try to uncover the reasons for this situation by examining the institutional set-up within the Commission's communication policy. In doing so, they base their research on the assumption derived from discursive institutionalism that EU communication policy is characterized by its complex co-ordinative discourse, which limits the potential of its communicative discourse. In order to specify the subject, the authors begin with an overview of current developments in the communication policy and an analysis of the main strategic documents introduced by the Commission. Then, the coordination discourse, first at EU level and second at national level, is explored through the examination of various actors institutionally involved in EU communication policy and the coordination mechanisms present among them. Subsequently, the communication discourse is analysed through research into the communication tools the Commission uses to achieve its goals in the field of communication policy. At the end, the relationship between the two discourses is discussed and potential solutions are proposed. Adapted from the source document.

Constructivist attempts to focus on analysis of the European identity, including the foreign policy dimension, rely almost exclusively on textual and verbal discourse. But discourse as such is not limited to textual and verbal acts; graphics and visuals, including political caricatures, constitute an integral component of discourse as well. The aim of this contribution is to analyse how the European Union's identity as an actor of international relations could be imagined by studying a sample of political cartoons from The Economist. Based on the analysis, I conclude that although the European Union is not imagined as an antithesis to a standard international actor, The Economist still imagines it as a player that is not entirely equal to other players. Adapted from the source document.

The field of development studies witnessed an important debate between post-development critics and their opponents. The article presents this debate and focuses on neopopulism in post-development, or more particularly on romanticization, essentialization, the rejection of modern technologies and cultural relativism. It discusses the problem of the homogenization of the development discourse, practice and agency in 'development'. It reacts to the criticism from the field of practice that post-development aims at the old fashioned development discourse instead of focusing on the current discourse on globalization and that it ignores changes within 'development'. And finally, the article deals with the political orientation of post-development, its alleged affinity with neoliberalism, the way it uses statistical indicators and its normativity. The conclusion answers the questions whether post-development is meaningful and whether it can remain an important approach under the light of this debate. Adapted from the source document.

Offers four strategies of deconstructing gender symbolism, one of the methods & goals of contemporary feminist theory & practice - politics. (1) Lesbianism denaturalizes the institutions of 'compulsory heterosexuality.' (2) One can question the belief that sexual violence is the natural expression of male aggression, & women are men's victims. A better strategy seems to be to take the violence as a discursive matter that can be redescribed. If the narrative about successful resistance prevails over the narrative of woman as a natural victim, the aggressor's expectations can be changed. (3) Beauty discourses lead women to be weak, unable to resist violence, & susceptible to mental diseases like anorexia. (4) Maternity discourses associate women with maternity & see a woman's body as the subject of necessary control by the psychomedical sciences. They form an idea of woman's nature that is invariable & unchangeable. This notion is questioned by feminism as a serious limit on women's agency.

Current demographic trends are calling forth the need to redefine the meaning of old age and its place in society. The concept of active ageing can be seen as a reaction to these efforts to reconceptualise life in old age. This article first briefly describes the context that gave rise to the term 'active ageing' and how this concept is framed as 'ageing well' in national and international documents and in the discourse of gerontology. Based on ethnographic studies of two centres offering leisure activities for seniors (mainly using participant observation and in-depth and informal interviews with clients and employees), the article shows 1) how the idea of active ageing and generally of being active as an desirable or undesirable lifestyle in old age is constructed in the framework of the centre's general operations, and 2) how the clients themselves relate to this idea. The objective of the article is to reveal the significance of active ageing in the formation of a normative image of 'ageing well', which on the one hand helps seniors break away from stereotypical notions of ageing, but on the other hand generates new inequalities based on the ability or willingness to 'age actively'.

This article presents a qualitative and empirically oriented analysis of the Italian political discourse which took place in response to the immigration wave that appeared after the outbreak of the Arab Spring in the first half of 2011. Using the concept of securitization introduced by the Copenhagen School, the author seeks to deconstruct the discursive strategy of Silvio Berlusconi's government at the time, which was intended to legitimize extraordinary reactive measures at both national and supranational (EU) levels. The author also provides an interpretation of how the Italian cabinet presented the mass influx of African migrants while exerting instrumental pressure on the EU to provide appropriate assistance to Italy. The article concludes by showing how the discourse, which was accompanied by administrative and political practices, led to an escalation of the crisis within the EU and subsequently opened up the space for a fundamental revision of the rules regarding the Schengen area. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the article is to otter a theoretically grounded explanation of the long-term continuity of Czech foreign policy. Czech foreign policy displays long-term continuity and consensus at the level of policy, but, at the same time, exhibits deep ideological differences among political and societal elites at the level of politics. The article argues against the mainstream (neo)liberal and (neo)realist theories that explain foreign policy outcomes in pure rationalist and materialist terms. Instead, the text follows the line of the critical constructivist school of International Relations and borrows heavily from post-structuralism. Thus, the article takes into account the ideational background of Czech foreign policy and argues that these deeply seated differences at the level of politics, stemming from mutually contradictory normative, philosophical and political beliefs, are subsequently neutralized by what is called the "hegemonic internationalist discourse". In this context, the article explores the origins, nature and consequences of the power of the hegemonic internationalist discourse. Adapted from the source document.