Suchergebnisse

U ovome pristupu medijska kultura i medijski sadržaji posmatraju se diskurzivno. Medijska praksa posmatra se kao javno komuniciranje, a medijski diskurs kao njezin ishod. Jednako, novinarstvo se posmatra kao jedan od vodećih oblika medijske prakse, odnosno javnoga komuniciranja, a novinarski diskurs kao jedan od njezinih glavnih ishoda. Zato se u radu polazi od vijesti kao arhetipskoga oblika javnoga i medijskog diskursa te se nudi svojevrsni konstitutivni model, odnosno paradigma novinarstva. Tu paradigmu čine principi istinitosti i odgovornosti, kao i atributi triju grupa metateorijskih pitanja – odnosa prema stvarnosti, vjesnovrijednosti i jezika, odnosno komunikativnoga koda. Konstitutivni se model kasnije koristi za teorijsku dekonstrukciju triju najčešćih paradigmi medijskoga diskursa, kako novinarskoga, tako i onih u tržišnome komuniciranju, odnosno u oglašavanju i odnosima s javnošću, javne, političke i komercijalne. Atributi konstitutivne paradigme u istraživanjima mogu se operacionalizirati kao pokazatelji određene paradigme ili paradigme medijskoga diskursa, odnosno njihove hibridizacije. ; In this approach, media culture and media content are viewed discursively. Media practice is regarded as public communication and media discourse as its outcome. Likewise, journalism is considered as one of the main methods of media practice, or public communication, and journalistic discourse as one of its main outcomes. For this reason, the study starts with news as an archetype of public and media discourse and proposes a specific constitutive model or paradigm of journalism. The paradigm is comprised of the principles of truthfulness and responsibility, as well as the attributes of three groups of metatheoretical questions – the attitude to social reality, newsworthiness, and language or a communicational code. The constitutive model is further used for the deconstruction of three most common paradigms of media discourse, both in journalism and in market communication, i.e., in advertising and public relations: public, political and commercial. The attributes of the constitutive paradigm can be operationalized in research as indicators of certain paradigms or paradigms of media discourse, or of their hybridization.

U radu analiziramo sadržaj konceptualnih metafora u političkome diskursu u Bosni i Hercegovini te na osnovu indeksa sadržaja analiziranih metafora pokušavamo utvrditi pokazuju li metafore koje koriste bosanskohercegovački političari jače emocionalne izljeve. Kroz analizu će se napraviti i usporedba sadržaja konceptualnih metafora u korpusu na jezicima bosanskohercegovačkih naroda sa sadržajem metafora pronađenih u korpusu na engleskome jeziku. Tematski, korpus istraživanja vezan je za događaje iz 2014. poznate pod nazivom Bosansko proljeće. ; The paper analyzes the content of conceptual metaphors in political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on the basis of the content index of analyzed metaphors it tries to determine if metaphors, used by Bosnian-Herzegovinian politicians, show stronger emotional outbursts. Through analysis the author will also compare the content of conceptual metaphors taken from the corpus in Bosnian-Herzegovinian languages to the content of metaphors from the English corpus. Thematically, the research corpus is related to the events from the year 2014 known under the name Bosnian Spring.

Glavni je cilj ovoga rada ideološka analiza političkih govora G. W. Busha vezanih za rat u Iraku. Govori su analizirani kao oblik političkoga diskursa da bi se izdvojile leksičke, semantičke, retoričke i gramatičke strukture uporabljene u strategiji polarizacije pri predstavljanju postupaka dviju sukobljenih strana, iračkoga režima i američke vojske. Strategija polarizacije jedno je od osnovnih načela kritičke analize diskursa T. van Dijka, koja se u diskursu očituje u obliku ideološkoga četverokuta. To znači da u obliku diskursa kao što su ovi politički govori, u kojima su zastupljeni interesi dviju sukobljenih država, ideologija, nacija itd. možemo očekivati da će dobri postupci strane kojoj pripada govornik (naše strane) – biti naglašeni, a loši ublaženi, dok će dobri postupci druge strane (njihove) biti ublaženi, a loši naglašeni. Kritička analiza diskursa omogućuje osnovne načine prepoznavanja ovakvih struktura u različitim diskursima, a ovdje konkretno istražuje funkciju i utjecaj što ga te strukture imaju na Bushev politički plan, ali i na društvo u cjelini. ; The paper deals with the ideological analysis of G.W. Bush's political speeches delivered during the war in Iraq. The speeches were analyzed as a sort of political discourse with the purpose of recognizing lexical, semantic, rhetorical and grammatical structures used in the strategy of polarization when representing the actions of two confronted parties – Iraqi regime and American military. Polarization strategy is one of the basic principles of the T.van Dijk's Critical discourse analysis, which is expressed through ideological square. This means that in a kind of political discourse, as these speeches are, in which the interests of two confronted states, ideologies, nations etc. are presented, we can expect good actions of in-group to be emphasized and bad ones to be mitigated, whereas the good actions of out-group will be mitigated and bad ones will be emphasized. Critical discourse analysis offers the basic tools for recognizing such structures in different discourses, but in these political speeches it questions the function and influence which these structures have on Bush's political plan and on society as a whole.

U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.

Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.

Ovaj rad temelji se na analizi studije slučaja Republike Cipra o pokušajima rješavanja problema i europeizaciji samog otoka. Ciparski problem predstavlja jedan od dugovječnijih pokušaja provedbe mirovnog sporazuma između dvije etničke zajednice – ciparskih Grka i ciparskih Turaka. Od turske invazije na otok 1974. godine zaoštrili su se dodatno odnosi između sukobljenih strana. Velika Britanija, Turska i Grčka postale su jamci mira i sigurnosti te glavni pregovarači u rješavanju problema. Početkom pristupnih pregovora s Europskom unijom i ona službeno postaje umiješana u situaciju na otoku te provođenje europeizacije je označilo novu fazu razvoja otoka. Iako postoje brojna rješenja problema niti jedna strana ne pristaje na uvjete koji ne idu njima u korist. Najuspješnije rješenje do sada je održavanje statusa quo koje jamči mir i sigurnost objema stranama. Analizom dokumenata i literature nastoji se objasniti interes velikih svjetskih sila i Europske unije na Republiku Cipar te kakav je to utjecaj ostavilo u međunarodnoj zajednici i propalim diplomatskim pokušajima. ; This paper is based on an analysis of Cyprus as a case study on attempts to solve problems and the Europeanization of the island. Cyprus problem is one of the long-standing attempts of implementation of the peace agreement between two ethnic communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Since the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, relations between the conflict parties have intensified. The United Kingdom, Turkey, and Greece have become guarantors of peace and security and have been the main negotiators in solving the problem. With the start of accession negotiations with the European Union, it officially becomes involved in the situation on the island and the implementation of Europeanization marks a new phase of island development. Although there are numerous solutions, neither side has agreed to the terms that will benefit them. The most successful solution so far is to maintain the status quo that guarantees peace and security for both ...

Ovaj ogled nudi kratak prikaz teorije dediskurzacije kao teorije jednoga od važnih uzroka rata. Ključna tvrdnja teorije kaže da diskurzivni stavovi, kao što su laganje, proturječenje sebi, te kršenje obećanja, trebaju biti teorijski predstavljeni kao uzroci koji izravno doprinose pojavi stanja rata. Ogled također objašnjava u kojem smislu ova teorija implicira poimanje jezika kao generatora virtualnoga kolektivnog tijela. Treće, ogled se oslanja na Peloponeski rat kao empirijski dokazni materijal u prilog teorije dediskurzacije, te objašnjava razloge zbog kojih se ona ne može pomiriti sa teoretiziranjem rata u tradiciji teorija 'pravednoga rata'. Kao posljednje, ogled ističe neke etičke, epistemološke i političke implikacije kako bi se, koliko je to ovdje moguće, pojasnila šira lepeza stavova na koje se teorija dediskurzacije obvezuje. ; This essay briefly presents the theory of dediscoursification as a theory of one of the major causes of war. Its key claim reads that discursive attitudes, such as lying, self-contradicting, and promise-breaking, ought to be theorized as causes directly contributory to the emergence of the state of war. The essay also explains the sense in which the theory implies a view of language as a generator of the virtual collective body. Thirdly, the essay draws on the Peloponnesian war as an empirical evidence in support of the dediscoursification theory and explains why the theory cannot be reconciled with the just war tradition of theorizing on war. Lastly, some ethical, epistemological, and political implications are spelled out to clarify here the theory's wider commitments to the extent possible.

dosadašnja istraživanja o razvoju cirkularne ekonomije u europskoj uniji pretežno su bila usmjerena na prednosti implementacije takvoga modela koje se najčešće dijele na okolišne i ekonomske. ovaj će rad analizirati diskurs o cirkularnoj ekonomiji s drugačijeg gledišta, onoga kojemu je u središtu ljudsko zdravlje kao presudan faktor. na temelju toga, pokušat će se odgovoriti na dva pitanja; kako su se mijenjali prioriteti i diskurs unutar zakonodavnog okvira europske unije kada je riječ o cirkularnoj ekonomiji, te kako osvijestiti aktere da prilagode svoje ponašanje i djelovanje okolišnim normama. u analizi se koriste metode analize teksta i diskursa, kojima će se adresirati dosadašnja literatura i dokumenti europske unije, prvenstveno paketi mjera o cirkularnoj ekonomiji, akcijski plan iz 2015. godine i novousvojene direktive. ujedno, isko- rištena je komparativna metoda za usporedbu 'starih' i 'novih' direktiva, odnosno diskursa u europskoj uniji i Kini, te posljednja metoda, intervju s Davorom Škrlecom, bivšim zastupnikom u europskom parlamentu i članom Kluba zastupnika Zelenih/europskog slobodnog saveza. rezultati su pokazali da je svaki novi paket europske unije bio kvalitativno precizniji, ali da se sa stajališta ciljeva izlazilo u susret implementacijskim kapacitetima država članica. na kraju, oblikovao se zasebni diskurs o cirkularnoj ekonomiji za čiju je sustavnu provedbu ipak nužno u središte postaviti pitanje zdravlja. ; the latest research on circular economy development in the european uni- on were primarily directed towards the advantages of implementation of such model which are most commonly presented as environmental and economic. this paper analyzes the circular economy discourse from a different point of view, one that focuses on human health as crucial element. In line with that, the paper will answer two questions; how did priorities and discourses within the legislative framework in the european union had changed, and how to raise awareness of main actors to adapt their behaviour and actions towards en- vironmental norms. the paper uses text and discourse analysis by which the current literature and documents of the european union will be addressed, primarily the eu packages on circualr economy, 2015 action Plan and newly adopted directives. also, comparative method is used for comparison of "old" and "new" directives and discourses between the European union and China. The last method used is interview conducted with Davor Škrlec, former Member of European Parliament and member of Greens/European Free alliance political group. the results have shown that each new package on circular economy was more precise regarding quality but the proclaimed goals were alligned with implementation capacities of member states. thus, a new discourse on circular economy was formed but in order it to be systematically implemented there is a need to emphasize human health as its main priority.

U radu se pokušava istražiti učestalost konceptualnih metafora u političkome diskursu u poslijedejtonskome razdoblju u Bosni i Hercegovini, pokazati kako se političari koriste metaforama kako bi uvjerili ciljani "auditorij" u ispravnost svojih stavova, ideja, postupaka i namjera te ispitati je li konceptualna metafora uistinu najčešća i najsnažnija vrsta metafora u političkome diskursu. Drugim riječima, nastojat će se dokazati da je metafora vrlo živa u svakodnevnome govoru te da ima iznimno važnu ulogu u konceptualizaciji svijeta koji nas okružuje, dok političarima služi za uvjeravanje i propagandu u političkome retoričkom jeziku. Istraživanje je usmjereno na razdoblje žustrih rasprava o tzv. Travanjskome paketu ustavnih promjena – ožujak – travanj 2006. godine. ; The paper aims to explore frequency of conceptual metaphors in political discourse of the post-Dayton era in Bosnia and Herzegovina, prove that politicians use metaphors to convince the target "auditorium" that their views, ideas, procedures and acts are correct and check if conceptual metaphor is really the most often and the most powerful type of metaphor used in the political discourse. In other words the paper will try to prove that metaphor is present in everyday speech and that it has a very important role in conceptualization of the world around us, while politicians use it for convincing and propaganda in political rhetorical language. The research covers period characterized by intense discussions about the so-called April package of constitutional changes – March-April 2006.

Rad pokazuje filozofijski diskurs opasnosti od društva normalnih. Riječ je o razmatranju odnosa ludila i nenormalnosti važnih za društvo i političku zajednicu iz nekadašnje optike Michela Foucaulta i današnje perspektive Manfreda Lütza. Smisao je rada pokazati kako je pojam norme i iz njega proizašloga normiranja i discipliniranja doveo do imperativa zdravog društva utemeljenoga na normi. Takvo društvo isključuje sve one koji na bilo koji način odstupaju od ponašanja predviđenoga normom. U takvu se zahtjevu krije opasnost suvremenoga društva koje ne razlikuje nenormalnost i ludilo, nego ih koristi za diskreditiranje svojih članova koji ne pristaju na postavljeno normiranje. Radi se o tome da biti nenormalan samo znači kritički ne pristajati na postojeću normu koju je nametnula većina bilo da je riječ o pravnoj, političkoj, društvenoj, vjerskoj, obrazovnoj, odgojnoj ili medicinskoj normi. Na temeljima Foucaultovih filozofskih i Lützovih psihologijskih uvida rad pokazuje kako opasnost po društvo ne predstavljaju oni koji po bilo čem odstupaju od norme nego upravo oni »normalni«, koji kao nosioci »normalnoga« društva nekritički pristaju i provode normativni poredak. ; The paper presents a philosophical discourse on the dangers of the society of normal persons. It is about the importance of relation between madness and normality within the society and the political community from the former Michel Foucault's optics and today's Manfred Lütz's perspective. The purpose of this paper is to show how the concept of the norm, and accordingly of the normalisation and discipline, leads to the imperative of the healthy society based on norms. Such society excludes all those who in any way deviate from the behavior predicted by the norm. Such request is the danger of modern society that does not differentiate abnormality from insanity, but use them to discredit its members which refuse to be subordinate. To be abnormal means only to be critical toward the norm that is set by majority, whether is it a legal, political, social, religious, educational or medical norm. On the foundations of Foucault's philosophical and Lütz's psychological insights, the thesis shows that the danger to society are not those who deviate from the norm, but the "normal people" who, as bearers of "normal" society, uncritically accept and implement the normative order.

Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.

U članku se razrađuje identitet grada koji je poistovjećen sa sudbinom samoga autora u tijeku najtežega dana napada na grad u Domovinskome ratu. Poistovjećujući se s gradom, on se istodobno pretvara i u središnji lik romana. Riječ je o posve drukčijemu i dosad nepoznatome ratnom pismu u Hrvatskoj jer je djelo posvema okrenuto transcendenciji. U romanu je rat tek sila zla, a ne politički proizvod. Tragičnost rata u Hrvatskoj kao književna tema prikazana je na sveopćoj civilizacijskoj razini kao iskonsko prokletstvo čovječanstva. Grad Zadar, smješten na obalama Sredozemlja, svojom povijesti i baštinom koja se razara preuzima na se ulogu Čovjekova glasnogovornika. Kada se ruši grad kao sveti prostor, čovjek gubi svoj vlastiti identitet. Povratak identiteta moguć je samo na simboličkoj i metafizičkoj razini pa roman obiluje simboličkim i arhetipskim slojevima i motivima. ; The article elaborates an identity of the city which is identified with the author's destiny during the hardest day of attacking the city in the Croatian War of Independence. Identifying himself with the city, at the same time he turns himself in the main novel protagonist. That is a completely different and so far unknown war letter in Croatia, because the work is completely turned to transcendence. In the novel the war is the evil force and not political product. Tragicalness of the war in Croatia as the literary topic is shown at the general civilization level as a true human damnation. City of Zadar, located at the Mediterranean coasts, with his history and destroying heritage takes over the role of human spokesperson. When a city as the holy area is destroyed, a human loses his/her own identity. Return of identity is possible only at the symbolic and metaphysic level, therefore the novel is full of symbolic and archetype motives.

The way we talk about complex and abstract ideas is abundant in metaphors. Many research studies have shown that even the most subtle metaphor can have a significant influence on the way people try to tackle various social problems. Thus, the assumption is that metaphors are not just a simple rhetorical tool, but also have a profound effect on how we conceptualize reality and respond to important social issues. In the last two decades, scientists have studied the impact of metaphorical framing on political discourse from different research perspectives. Metaphors are often used for framing political topics, and these metaphorical frames are considered to affect the way people regard these issues, perceive the world, and act, on both the individual and collective level. In accordance with these research studies, in this paper, we will regard the metaphor as a cognitive tool that classifies our conceptual system and enables the understanding of our experiences. The objective of this paper is to examine the use of conceptual metaphors in media discourse on the corona crisis and the earthquake crisis caused by the quake in Petrinja. The research was conducted in three steps, following the methodology of critical metaphor analysis (Charteris-Black, 2004). In the first step, the identification of metaphorical expressions was performed by using a big data corpus of articles published by Croatian web-portals from the beginning of the pandemic (from January 2020 to April 2021) and after the Petrinja earthquake (from 29 December 2020). In the second step, the dominant conceptual metaphors employed in communicating the two crises were interpreted. The results of this interpretation are that war metaphors are ubiquitous in reporting on the COVID-19 disease pandemic, and the apocalypse metaphor is used in reporting on the earthquake. In the third step of the analysis, the reasons and implications of the occurrence of these metaphors are explained. ; Način na koji razgovaramo o složenim i apstraktnim idejama prožet je metaforama. Mnoga istraživanja pokazuju da čak i najsuptilnija metafora može imati snažan utjecaj na to kako ljudi pokušavaju riješiti razne društvene probleme. Dakle, pretpostavka je da metafore nisu puki retorički alati, već da one duboko utječu na to kako konceptualiziramo zbilju i postupamo s obzirom na važna društvena pitanja. Tijekom posljednjih dvaju desetljeća znanstvenici iz različitih istraživačkih perspektiva proučavaju učinke metaforičnog uokvirivanja na politički diskurs. Metafore se često koriste za uokvirivanje političkih tema, a za te se metaforične okvire tvrdi da utječu na to kako ljudi razmišljaju o tim pitanjima, opažaju svijet i ponašaju se, na razini individualnog i kolektivnog. Na tragu tih istraživanja, metaforu u ovom radu shvaćamo kao kognitivno sredstvo koje ustrojava naš pojmovni sustav i omogućuje razumijevanje iskustva. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti upotrebu konceptualnih metafora u javnom diskursu vezanom uz koronakrizu i krizu izazvanu potresom u Petrinji. Istraživanje je provedeno u tri koraka, slijedeći metodologiju kritičke analize metafora (Charteris-Black, 2004). U prvom koraku, identifikacija metaforičnih izraza provedena je korištenjem velike baze podataka (big data corpus) objava s hrvatskih mrežnih portala nastalih u periodu pandemije (od siječnja 2020. do travnja 2021. godine) te za i nakon petrinjskog potresa 29. 12. 2020. U drugom koraku, interpretirane su dominantne konceptualne metafore korištene u medijskom komuniciranju tih dviju kriza. Rezultati te interpretacije pokazuju da su u slučaju epidemije bolesti COVID-19 sveprisutne metafore rata, dok se u izvještavanju o potresu koristila metafora apokalipse. U trećem koraku analize, nastojali su se objasniti razlozi i implikacije pojavljivanja tih konceptualnih metafora u medijskom diskursu.