The study consists of a phenomenological reflection on the essence of man based on the meaning of his discourse in the era of technique. Considering the history of metaphysics at its end, in which all saying and thinking are commanded by information technologies, one wonders about the situation of language, understood as the pronouncement of human existence. Based on Heidegger's phenomenology and, particularly, on the notion of discourse (Rede) as a fundamental structure made explicit by 'Sein und Zeit's' existential ontology, it is demonstrated that the focus of the discussion is not simply to question the instrumental use and technological application of language. Rather, the key for elaborating the interrelationship between discourse and technique is to capture the sense by which the contemporary man discourses his existence-in-the-world, transitioning from an original way of saying and understanding himself to one in which he and his world are governed by a challenging and provocative power of realness in his reality. It is shown that, to guarantee this contemporary man's position with the entities, it is necessary for the technique to be a meaning to pronounce its existence, providing the meaning of being-device for the existence and its own possibilities, as well as for the mundane things. At the same time, it is clarified that, since the realization of human existence is guided by this meaning and challenging power represented by the technique, the instrumentalization of languages and their reduction to a communication system managed by information technologies, among other consequences, are required.
Objective: Identify the integration of anatomical knowledge to semiotechnique in university education in nursing. Method: The method used was qualitative and data collection was conducted through a semistructured interview which included signature of nursing students from a private University Center located in the mountainous region of Rio de Janeiro. Results: From the production three categories that allowed the discussion of human anatomy in the nursing curriculum, understand the challenges and potentials in the integration of morphological knowledge with the fundamentals of nursing, especially those that guide professional practice modules. Conclusion: The human anatomy emerges in an expressive form in the initial periods of training, this makes it difficult the integration with the components of semiotechnique of fundamental nursing, however the integrated curriculum about the perspective of the constructive spiral was presented as a powerful pedagogical component to facilitate integration among areas.
Logos is a central Greek term for the construction of the sophistic movement. Gorgias de Leontinos, one of the main representatives of the first generation of this movement, proposed to reflect, in Elogio de Helena, about the discourse as a great and sober master, able to produce persuasion in Helena and denouncing this persuasive power at the same time. In the first part of this study, we intend to situate logos as a producer of experiences in its listener, which is important in understanding the persuasive power. In the second part, the fabrication of experiences, different from persuasion, is identified with a fictitious reality produced due to voluntary deception. Because this experience of deception is voluntary, the reason for the sovereignty of logos is for Gorgias, in which speech, in addition to persuading, can serve as a possible instrument for the fabrication of learning, whose artistic experience his own text exemplifies.
Este artigo pretende discutir algumas concepções sobre homossexualidade e gênero produzidas no discurso da Psicologia. Com esse objetivo, questionários com questões sobre estes temas foram aplicados a estudantes do curso de Psicologia de uma universidade brasileira. Os resultados apontam para uma rejeição de posições preconceituosas acerca das minorias sexuais e de gênero. Por outro lado, as respostas também apontam para uma assimilação do discurso politicamente correto, mas sem uma mudança significativa na concepção binária acerca da produção das identidades sexuais e de gênero ou sobre a formação de novos modelos de família no mundo contemporâneo. Por fim, destaca a necessidade de mais espaço no currículo de formação em Psicologia para a discussão de temas como a diversidade sexual e de gênero.
Objective: to examine the life trajectory of women with mastectomy members of a self-help group. Method: descriptive and exploratory study, with a qualitative approach, using the approach of the oral history of life as a methodological benchmark, meeting the operational phases. The participants were 20 women with mastectomy, whose narratives, considered discursive manifestations were submitted to the analysis of the collective subject discourse. Results: three thematic axes were elaborated, supported by their respective core ideas, each one was referent to before, during and after mastectomy: "to face life bravely" - "normal life", "separation", "change", "work" and "children"; "I have talked to God" - "prevention/care procedures", "diagnosis/treatment", "feelings/emotions" and "changes"; "reorganization with more objectivity and experience" - "creed", "change" and "feelings/emotions". Conclusion: it is recognized the need for studies into the mastectomy women to support public policies, or simply to enable health professionals to a humanized care.
We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; Današnji čas je prinesel pomembne spremembe v načinu, kako komuniciramo drug z drugim. Tehnološki napredek in razmah družbenih medijev sta vplivala tako na informativne medije kot na sodobni politični prostor, kar ima pomembne posledice za politični govor. Vloga družbenih medijev v politični komunikaciji se je povečala, saj politiki čedalje bolj neposredno komunicirajo z javnostjo brez posredništva tradicionalnih medijev. Poleg tega je čedalje bolj pod vprašajem nevtralnost osrednjih medijev pri poročanju, saj so vedno bolj odvisni od oglaševanja in tako pod posrednim ali neposrednim vplivom različnih korporativnih ali državnih sponzorjev. Tako smo se znašli v času, ko vse več ljudi informacije pridobi v družbenih medijih, medtem ko so izrazi dezinformacija, lažne novice, postresničnost, sovražni govor in teorije zarote postali vsakdanji del govora. V novem javnem prostoru komunikacije se pogosto zgodi, da je to, kar kdo dojema kot teorijo zarote, za koga drugega resničnost, da so to, kar kdo dojema kot dejstva, za koga drugega lažne novice, in da je to, kar kdo dojema kot sovražni govor, za koga drugega svoboda govora.
With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; Com o esvaziamento da luta pelo socialismo e a ascensão do neoliberalismo, o campo da esquerda progressista tem sido criticado por tomar a questão identitária como principal motor das lutas sociais. A proposta deste trabalho é identificar e analisar o debate sobre as lutas por reconhecimento identitário na campanha eleitoral de 2018. Serão consideradas as polarizações sobre o tema entre os dois partidos localizados à esquerda do espectro político – PT e PSOL – em relação à campanha majoritária do campo localizado à direita, representada pelo PSL. A partir de suas posições em relação ao tema, explicitadas em uma rede social, pretende-se observar e problematizar os limites desses embates discursivos. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate.
The work of Poulain de la Barre presents the effort on the issue of gender equality. His rationalist philosophy, anchored in cartesianism developed in his speeches, proposes overcoming prejudice, regarding the place of women in society, by demonstrating that this is a truth guided by the force of opinion and custom. With the use of reason and the scrutiny of nature, knowledge would overcome inequality established in the name of humanity's progress. This text seeks to discuss about his thesis and analyze how the female condition was approached by the French philosopher.
In the so-called information age, the topic of digital technologies is an integral part of educational discourse and research, which have pointed to the need for teaching methods and programmes that deal with the technological innovations of our time. With this aim, numerous investments, both public and private, have been made in order to make it feasible to incorporate digital technologies into everyday school activities. However, we noticed a need to investigate what is meant by technology within the scope of education and how this understanding influences the subject. That said, this paper proposes identifying and analysing the perceptions of technology that run through the discussion of public policies on education in Brazil. For this, we used critical discourse analysis, applied to government policy documents on education determining the parameters and guidelines for incorporating digital technologies into schools. Specifically, we opted for the analysis of the 2014-2024 National Education Plan and the Connected Education Innovation Programme, the most recent policy on the topic. We propose two analytical categories on the perceptions of technology: technical artefact and socio-cultural artefact. Lastly, we consider that, although there are references to socio-cultural views on technology in the educational field, the predominant perception relates more strongly to the aspects of technology as a technical artefact. ; Na chamada era da informação, a temática das tecnologias digitais se consolida no discurso pedagógico e nas pesquisas em educação, pelos quais perpassa a denúncia da necessidade de paradigmas educacionais que dialoguem com as inovações tecnológicas de nosso tempo. Assim, numerosos investimentos, públicos e privados, vêm sendo feitos buscando viabilizar a incorporação das tecnologias digitais no cotidiano escolar. Contudo, percebe-se uma lacuna quanto às indagações sobre o que se entende por tecnologia no âmbito educacional e sobre de que maneira esse entendimento influencia o campo. Posto isso, este trabalho propõe identificar e analisar as percepções de tecnologia que perpassam o discurso das políticas públicas em educação no Brasil. Para tanto, é utilizada a análise crítica do discurso, aplicada aos documentos das políticas públicas em educação que deliberam parâmetros e diretrizes para a incorporação das tecnologias digitais no âmbito escolar. Especificamente, opta-se pela análise do Plano Nacional de Educação 2014-2024 e do Programa de Inovação Educação Conectada, política mais recente no que tange à temática. Propõem-se duas categorias de análise sobre as percepções de tecnologia: artefato técnico e artefato sociocultural. Considera-se, por fim, que, embora haja apontamentos em direção a perspectivas socioculturais quanto à tecnologia no âmbito educacional, a percepção preponderante se relaciona mais fortemente aos aspectos da tecnologia como artefato técnico.
The gender identity subject has been the focus of several social and political debates in which: there are individuals who try to eliminate social inequalities regarding gender; and, on the other hand, there are those who seek for visibility, fighting for their rights to be validated. Both of the groups constitute part of the LGBTTQI+ community. Thus, the present study refers to a research carried out at a university in the interior of São Paulo, whose corpus consists of statements made by undergraduate students that discuss the themes of identity, gender, prejudice and discrimination. Once it is a multifaceted theme, in which the phenomena of intolerance, hatred and fear emerge – in addition to discussions and positions that involve political, religious and ideological issues – the present work draws on the French discursive semiotics, by Algirdas Julien Greimas and collaborators. In conclusion, in their discourses, it was observed the identity transformation through the subjective confrontation of some malevolent passions, such as hatred and intolerance. ; RESUMO: O tema identidade de gênero tem sido pauta de diversos debates sociais e políticos em que, de um lado, se apresenta sujeitos que procuram combater e excluir padrões que fogem ao que prevê o estatuto heteronormativo presente em âmbito social. De outro, aqueles que se lançam em busca de visibilidade e reconhecimento de direitos, que se constitui como um grupo que viveu historicamente segregado e que agora pode presentificar sua existência nas ruas por meio da ascensão de movimentos identitários que a comunidade LGBTTQI+ performatiza. Dessa forma, o presente trabalho refere-se ao recorte de uma pesquisa realizada em uma universidade do interior paulista, cujo corpus consiste em depoimentos consentidos de acadêmicos que discorrem sobre os temas da identidade, alteridade, gênero, preconceito e discriminação. Por se tratar de um tema multifacetado, no qual emergem, em seus diversos desdobramentos, os fenômenos da intolerância, ódio e medo, além de discussões e posicionamentos que envolvem questões políticas, religiosas e ideológicas, o presente trabalho recorre à semiótica discursiva de linha francesa, de Algirdas Julien Greimas e colaboradores, para fundamentar a análise da significação produzida por uma das depoentes da pesquisa mencionada. Desse modo, observou-se, em seu discurso, entre outros efeitos, a sua transformação identitária a partir do enfrentamento subjetivo de algumas paixões malevolentes, como o ódio e a intolerância.
O artigo discute como o discurso da Matemática específica para ensinar tem proposto a condução da conduta de professores(as) de Matemática. Trata-se de um ensaio teórico decorrente de uma problematização foucaultiana que incidiu sobre estudos que tratam do Conhecimento Matemático para o Ensino, do Conhecimento Especializado do Professor de Matemática e da Matemática para o Ensino. Esse discurso põe em exercício diferentes tipos de poder, mobilizando estratégias e táticas a fim de acionar a tecnologia nomeada Tecnologia da Especificidade Matemática. Os resultados sugerem que as condutas disponibilizadas por esse discurso transitam entre a lógica individual e disciplinar à lógica governamental. ; The article discusses how the Mathematics discourse specific to teaching has proposed the conduct of mathematics teachers. It is a theoretical essay resulting from a Foucaultian problematization that focused on studies dealing with Mathematical Knowledge for Teaching, the Specialized Knowledge of the Math Teacher and Mathematics for Teaching. This discourse puts into practice different types of power, mobilizing strategies and tactics in order to activate the technology named Technology of Mathematical Specificity. The results suggest that the behaviors made available by this discourse move between individual and disciplinary logic to government logic.
