Suchergebnisse

In this paper author analyzes the attitude towards the Serbian identity by the former ruling structures of Montenegro led by the DPS. As a theoretical framework the paper uses the theory of securitization which is an adequate analytical and research concept to explain how and in what way the Serbian identity in Montenegro is marked as an existential threat and danger to the independence, sovereignty and modern character of the Montenegrin state. Although the differentiation between the ethno-national Montenegrin and Serbian identities within Montenegro is a process that began even before the declaration of independence in 2006, the author primarily focuses on the securitization processes that marked the previous two years. By analyzing the contemporary public discourse the author notices securitizing moves that fit into the "grammar of security" and identifies the main factors of the securitization process in Montenegro that seek to maintain the same social and political narrative which is dominated by the division between Montenegrin and Serbian identity and thus labeling the latter as a security threat to the state.

Antonio Gramši posvetio je znatnu pažnju razmatranju kulturnih praksi i njihove funkcije u društveno-istorijskim procesima u svojim teorijskim spisima. Važan segment njegovog istraživanja predstavljala je i analiza umetnosti i književnosti modernog doba koju je na posredan način uključio u širu raspravu o problemu podesnosti istorijskog marksizma kao filozofske i društvene prakse, društvene moći i njene kulturne i istorijske pojavnosti, kulturne i političke emancipacije podređenih slojeva itd. Fokusirajući se u najvećoj meri na eksplikaciju sociokulturnih, političkih i istorijskih dimenzija italijanske književnost od renesansnog do modernističkog perioda, Gramši je razvio nacrt sopstvene verzije marksističke estetike, ponudivši specifična tumačenja problema društvene funkcije umetničkih praksi, prirode umetničkog stvaranja i umetničkog dela, kao i potrošnje umetničkih produkata. U ovom tekstu ćemo razmotriti Gramšijeve uvide o umetnosti u kontekstu njegovih obuhvatnih teorijskih, filozofskih i istorijskih ispitivanja sa namerom da na njihovoj osnovi izvedemo model za analizu muzičkih praksi modernog i postmodernog doba. Cilj takvog poduhvata je ispitivanje dometa / ograničenja gramšijevske analize muzike iz koga bi proistekao kritički osvrt na način primene ključnih koncepata ovog teoretičara u postojećim istraživanjima muzičkih pojava. ; Antonio Gramsci dedicated a lot of his attention in his writings to the analysis of the cultural practices and their function in the socio-historical processes. An important segment of his work included the analysis of art and literature of modern times which was indirectly incorporated into the discussion of the problem of usefulness of historical materialism as a philosophical and social practice, social power and its cultural and historical appearances, cultural and political emancipation of subaltern classes etc. Mostly focusing on the explication of socio-cultural, political and historical dimensions of Italian literature of Renaissance and the modern period, Gramsci elaborated a sketch of his own version of Marxist aesthetic proposing specific interpretations of the problem of social function of artistic practices, the nature of artistic action and artwork and the consumption of artistic artifacts. In this paper we will discuss Gramsci's thought on art in the context of his comprehensive theoretical, philosophical and historical research aiming at elaborating a Gramscian model of analysis of music practices of modern and postmodern times. One of our results should be the examination of the possibilities of the analysis of music based on Gramsci's theory as well as the critical review of the application of its main concepts in the existing body of research on music.

The migrant crisis that Europe has been facing for many years has triggered an avalanche of xenophobia and the dispersion of anti-migrant sentiments that have become the reference matrix for populist discourse. Anti-migrant discourse emerges in parallel as a form of language use and a form of social and political interaction. The antagonistic stereotypical narrative of migrants begins with the thesis that they constitute a retrograde social group that poses an economic and security threat to the natives and which is not capable of culturally assimilating in the countries of transit and destination (dichotomy Us vs. Them). Spreading anti-migrant discourse becomes a strategy for winning the electorate and an important tool for mobilizing political support. The political engineering of European political parties shows that anti-migrant discourse is not the exclusivity of right-wing parties of the political spectrum (although they are the most closely related), but is becoming an increasingly important topic on the political agenda of left-wing populism. Anti-migrant discourse is reflected through a nationalist and hostile approach to immigration, the glorification of national and sovereign narratives, and hostility to neoliberalism. Anti-migrant narratives have found their footing in the political activities of many European parties that are largely sovereignly profiled. Such a political vault of reasoning transforms migrant into a foreigner and attest on the triumph of communitarianism in regards to cosmopolitanism, which makes the EU's slogan "in varietate concordia" (united in diversity) questionable and subject to deconstruction.

The paper discusses the approaches of different media to Holocaust (re)presentation, with special reference to art music in the 20th century. Following the classification proposed by Michael Rothberg on two possible perspectives for representing the Holocaust: realistic and anti-realist (2000), we analyse two compositions: Arnold Schoenberg's A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) and Steve Reich's Different Trains (1988). The aim of the paper is to point out how artistic music reflects and participates in the dominant historical and contemporary discourses of Holocaust representation, especially the discourses of "heroism" and "non-representability". ; У раду се разматрају приступи различитих медија представљању Холокауста, с посебним освртом на уметничку музику у 20. веку. Пратећи поделу коју Мајкл Ротберг (Michael Rothberg) предлаже на два гледишта на могућности представљања Холокауста: реалистичко и антиреалистичко (2000), анализирамо дела A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) Арнолда Шенберга и Different Trains (1988) Стива Рајша. Циљ рада је да укаже на то како уметничка музика рефлектује и партиципира у доминантним историјским и савременим дискурсима представљања и разумевања Холокауста, посебно дискурса "херојства" и "неизрецивости".

In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights. ; In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights.

У овом раду дискутује се o позиционирању кључних друштвено-политичких актера у савременој Србији у контексту прихватања скупа симбола јавног наратива дефинисаног као "европске вредности". На примеру одржавања тзв. "Параде поноса", разматра се однос медија и елита према једном догађају који се перципира као суштински услов за "европске интеграције", али према коме истовремено постоји амбивалентан однос, проистекао из етаблираног традиционалистичког политичког дискурса, који подразумева отпор према прихватању сексуалних различитости. Циљ овог рада је да укаже на комплексну природу идентификовања основних симболичких вредности друштва у савременој Србији, која се испољава, пре свега, у виду хегемонијских борби које се воде на линији промоције конзервативних вредности, насупрот ономе што се доживљава као "опасни" уплив либералних "европских" идеја, попут промоције права сексуалних мањина. У раду се анализирају медијски наративи везани за одржавање "Параде поноса" 2010. и 2014. године, са циљем утврђивања промене наратива у склопу декларисаног "европског пута" Србије, и то, пре свега, кроз деловање и позиционирање кључних актера, од политичких елита до припадника екстремно десних организација и навијачких група. ; This paper discusses the position of the key social and political actors in contemporary Serbia, referring to the broadly accepted concept defined as "European values". The article focuses on the so-called "Belgrade Pride Parade", a highly contested event in the Serbian public, which is at the same time considered as the essential part of the EU accession process. Through the analysis of the media discourses related to the "Pride" events in 2010 and 2014, the paper shows the complex relation between the officially proclaimed politics of "European integration" and still very strong nationalist discourses, inherited from the 1990s. The aim of the article is to analyse the present hegemonic struggles between the political forces defending "traditional", conservative values and the political agents that promote "dangerous", liberal "European" ideas, such as protecting the rights of sexual minorities. The comparative analysis of the media representation of two events in 2010 and 2014 shows the changes in the public narrative. I argue that the violent clashes that occurred in 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade between the police and the members of right wing organisations were mostly the result of the lack of the political will among the Serbian elites, followed by ambivalent media representations, promoting at the same time the necessity of accepting "European values" and justification of violence. On the other hand, the absence of violent events in 2014 shows the will of the state apparatus to secure the "Pride". However, the media reports on the event, as well as the public statements made by Serbian officials, still remain ambivalent towards the very nature of the "Pride", justifying it only by the pressure made by the EU and the protection of constitutional rights. Moreover, the presence of new narratives in the media, discussing the high price of organizing such event, shows the shift in the public discourse from common nationalist arguments to the new, neoliberal rhetoric. This change doesn't indicate the radical shift of the social climate in Serbia from conservative to liberal, but, more likely, establishes Serbia as just one of the many states on the European periphery, operating within wider framework of neoliberal agendas. ; Тема броја – Конфликт и помирење на Балкану (ур. Александар Крел) / Topic of the Issue - Conflict and Reconciliation in the Balkans (ed. Aleksandar Krel)

There have been a number of philosophical, legal and political concepts dealing with the issue of peace. The most famous discourse on the topic of peace is undoubtedly Kant's writing "Perpetual Peace" not only for the cogency of its ideas but also for the applicability of the majority of them in practice, particularly in terms of collective security. Kant's starting point was that peace is a rational and moral imperative of human nature, realized solely through human efforts. Though written two hundred years ago, his ideas have found acolytes in the post-coldwar period since they are, to a large extent, considered as emancipatory. Kant finds the guarantees for the realization of peace in the moral doctrine and thus rejects the use of force in the creation of peace. The relations among states are based on cooperation, not competition so that some elements of his project are reminiscent of the solutions applied in the system of collective security. The author looks into the viability of Kant's ideas in the post-coldwar period. (SOI : PM: S. 69)

Slovakian political development following the collapse of communism is analysed in the text. The instigator of the democratic change in Slovakia was the organization "Public against violence" /VPN/ (the equivalent to the Czech "Citizens' Forum"), in which Vladimir Meciar came to prominence very early. Following his clash with the leadership of VPN in spring of 1991, he emerged as a charismatic political leader. Relying on his populist party called "Movement for Democratic Slovakia" /HZDS/, Meciar in 1992 won the Slovakian parliamentary elections and became Prime Minister. HZDS' radicalization of the nationalist discourse and its striving for a total institutional transformation of the Czechoslovakian federation led to the so called "velvet divorce" and Slovakian independence early in 1993. Meciar and HZDS briefly lost power in 1994 due to the party rift, but made a triumphant comeback after the elections in autumn of the same year. The authors' thesis is that this is responsible for the fact that in Slovakia national populism and client-patrimonial type of government have prevailed over democratic constitutionalism. The authors claim that the causes for such a development can be found in the social repercussions of the forced postwar industrialization and in the powerful tradition of cultural and political nationalism. (SOI : PM: S. 151)

A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to the reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of post-communist societies, but of the intellectual scepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate and reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, and no civil- religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or post-modern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanism and the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market and competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights and restricted government and the egalitarian distribution of goods and opportunities. (SOI : PM: S. 30)

The author has tried to prove that interethnic relations in democracy cannot be handled solely by means of legal, economic and institutional means; political culture, i.e. civic democratic political culture can have a significant role. The analysis has shown that there is room for the build-up of a trans-national democratic citizenry, free from all ascriptive criteria and identities such as religion, ethnicity, etc. It has also revealed how classic liberalism neglects various identities (ethnic, national etc.) while communitarian liberalism overlooks the excluding force of various identities. It has also demonstrated that there are several concepts of civic identities (liberal, communitarian and social/group) and that each of these concepts can exert profound influence on the relationship between citizens and their political community. And finally, the relation between patriotism and inter-ethnic relations in democracy are reviewed. Patriotism, in the circumstances of growing social pluralisation, and despite a plethora of political integrations, can play a prominent role in bridging the political and cultural atomisations and conflicts in society. It can undertake this role only if constituted in th civic and not the crude (fixed) ethnic sense - though the national defines the limits and the meaning of this constitution - provided it evolves into the loyalty to one's homeland and going hand in hand with the development of democracy and human rights. In short, the purpose of this paper is to provide evidence that it is necessary to expand democratic political culture which might aid in resolving intricate and sensitive relations among various ethnic and cultural communities. Patriotism can assume a decisive role in this. It lays down the limits and legitimacy to each meaningful political discourse and to each genuine political subject. (SOI : PM: S. 49)

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative - although not isolated - example has not inspired empirical and theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics". Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency", the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure and to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics and future prospects and outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "centre" and the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system". The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science and sociological analysis. In his opinion, and due to certain favourable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. + Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical- hypothetical level, and should be understood as an invitation to further discussion and as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; and (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) and Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder and warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait and in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. (SOI : PM: S. 211)

Prema definiciji Interseks zajednice Severne Amerike, pojam interseks koristi se za osobe rođene sa hormonskim, hromozomskim ili anatomskim polnim obrascima koji ne odgovaraju društvenim i medicinskim očekivanjima muških ili ženskih polnih karakteristika. Između 0,05 i 1,7% stanovništva rađa se sa nekim od interseks stanja koji imaju veliki broj oblika. Standardna medicinska procedura postupanja sa interseksualnim licima podrazumeva postupak normalizacije pola, odnosno korektivne genitalne hirurške intervencije i horomonsku terapiju, sa ciljem da definiše polne organe u skladu sa jednim od dva priznata pola i odgovori na opresivne zahteve heteronormativnosti u kojoj je interseksualno telo devijacija od "normalne telesnosti". Rasprave o interseksualnosti posebno su aktualizovane na polju bioetike kroz radove E. Feder i A. Dreger. Uvidom u određeni broj teorijskih i empirijskih radova na temu interseksulanosti u oblasti obrazovanja, zaključujemo da je njihova zastupljenost zanemarljiva. Cilj rada bio je da se, pošavši od konceptualnog okvira kvir studija kao analitičkog modela koji locira i eksploatiše nekoherentnost hromozomskog pola, roda i seksualne želje, formulišu smernice za unapređivanje obrazovnog zakonodavstva i obrazovne prakse kojima se na bolji način reguliše status interseks dece i mladih. Osnovu za teorijsku analizu predstavljali su rezultati studije "Interseks – ka stvaranju intersekcionalne platforme" organizacije Geten LGBTIQA iz 2019. godine čiji se globalni zaključak tiče pravne nevidljivosti interseks lica u Srbiji koju prati patologizujući medicinski diskurs. Na osnovu naše možemo zaključiti da je neophodno unaprediti obrazovne politike i prakse koje prepoznajemo i kao ključne predlažemo: vidljivost interseksualnih lica u obrazovnoj legislaturi počevši od predškolskog obrazovanja, informisanje aktera školskog života o stanju interseksualnosti i njegovim varijacijama, prevencija nasilja i diskriminacije prema interseks deci i mladima, ohrabrivanje prava interseks dece i mladih na samoodređenje. Ističe se potreba za osmišljavanjem i sprovođenjem kvalitativnih pedagoških istraživanja intreseksualnosti iz dečje perspektive koja mogu destabilizovati normativni diskurs polnosti/telesnosti i depatologizovati interseksualnost. Inkorporiranost zahteva iz dokumenta Promišljanje obrazovanja: ka zajedničkom globalnom dobru (UNESCO, 2015) vidimo kao dobru startnu osnovu za građenje nacrta obrazovne politike koja se temelji na humanističkim nasuprot utilitarističkim vrednostima. ; According to definition of the Intersex Society of North America, the term intersex is used to refer to persons born with hormonal, chromosomal or anatomical gender patterns which do not correspond with social and medical concepts of male or female gender characteristics. Between 0.05% and 1.7% of the population is born with an intersex condition that may take numerous forms. The standard medical procedure for dealing with intersex persons involves the gender normalizing procedure, i.e. corrective genital surgery and hormone therapy whose aim is to define sexual organs according to one of the two recognized genders and respond to oppressive demands of heteronormativity in which intersex body is a deviation from a "normal corporeality". Discussions about intersexuality have been particularly topical in the field of bioethics through the works of E. Feder and A. Dreger. By examining a number of theoretical and empirical papers on intersexuality in the field of education, we conclude that their representation is meagre. The aim of the paper is, starting from the conceptual framework of queer studies as analytical model that locates and exploits the incoherence of chromosomal sex, gender and sexual desire, to formulate guidelines for improvement of education legislation and practice so as to regulate the status of intersex children and young people better. The starting point for theoretical analysis is the result of the 2019 Geten LGBTIQA study: "Intersex – Towards Building an Intersectional Platform" whose global conclusion concerns the legal invisibility of the intersex persons in Serbia, followed by pathologizing medical discourse. Upon our analysis, we can conclude that it is necessary to improve educational policies and practices. The key improvements we propose are the following: visibility of intersex persons in education legislation starting from the pre-school education, informing the participants of school life about the state of intersexuality and its variations, prevention of violence and discrimination against intersex children and youth, encouraging the right of intersex children and young people to self-determination. The need to design and conduct qualitative pedagogic researches of intersexuality from the children's perspective that can destabilize normative discourse of sexuality/corporeality and depatologize intersexuality is emphasized. Inclusion of requirements from the document: Rethinking education: towards a common global good (UNESCO, 2015) is perceived as a good starting point for creating a draft of education policy which is based on humanistic and not utilitarian values. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

This paper deals with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of pre-election TV commercials inthe last two campaigns of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim of the research is to deconstruct thestrategy of political parties in the field of gender sensitization from a gender perspective based onthe most important activity of parliamentary democracy – the election cycle, using examples ofpaid political advertising – the pre-election TV clip, for which the parties allocated the most resourcesin the campaign of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim is also to analyze the personalexperience of female politicians in order to provide a new and different way of analyzing practicesand strategies of the parties in relation to the visibility of female candidate in the mediaduring the election campaign.The basic method is the critical discourse analysis (CDA) complemented by the method ofcomparing the regular election campaign of 2012 and the early elections of 2014, and the methodof life stories of the candidates (oral history). The CDA puts a special emphasis on various forms of discrimination that result from the abuse of power that continues to lead to the emergence ofsocial inequality and injustice (Dijk 2008).There are three levels at which the (in)visibility of women in the political process can be observed:a) the (lack of) presence of women on the candidate lists in the election campaign, andafter the elections, the (decreased) number of women in the parliament; b) (in)visibility of womenin paid media campaigns and c) (in)visibility of women in the language.Practice: a) On the basis of the "principle of affirmative action", women become more presenton the candidate lists and in the parliament as a result of the introduction of quota into the gendersensitive legislation (all SEE countries – Southeast Europe/Western Balkans). b) Women are stillrarely seen in the pre-election TV clip which is the most effective paid advertising, because it is atraditionally male "space", while women are more active in reach-out field work. c) visibility ofwomen in language is achieved, for example, by the use of the Gender-sensitive language Code.(S. Savić).In this paper the focus is on the sub-paragraphs (a) and (b), with (c) being analyzed in a limitedmanner only as part of the pre-election TV clip slogans analysis.A TV clip is comprised of: the slogan and the body of the clip. The slogan is made of aniconic and a linguistic part. In both campaign slogans there were no gender sensitive slogans,except for one in 2014 (URS's campaign for the female Mayor of Belgrade). The body is made ofthe video format and the content. In both campaigns, in 2012 and in 2014 forms of videos werehybrid types that included: documentary footage from the field, speech of the leader speakingdirectly in camera, animation, short fiction form.The analysis confirmed the basic hypothesis: despite the fact that, according to the legal provisionsa female candidate occupied every third position of the candidate lists in both analyzedelection cycles – they are underrepresented in paid political advertising in the media (TV clip).Individual hypotheses are also confirmed.The icons and the contents of the presentation of Serbia in the election cycle in 2012 and in2014 in the election TV clips were masculinized from the standpoint of power in society that isheld by male party leaders. The basic strategy of all parties who had a paid television campaign,in a form of TV clips, in both observed election cycles was the strategy of exclusion from thepolitical space mediated by the media. So we are here talking about a media, and by that, a widersocial invisibility of women in exercising one of the fundamental rights, the right to participationin decision-making and active participation in the elections. ; Cilj rada je da dekonstruiše strategije političkih partija iz rodne perspective u odnosu natelevizijsko predizborno političko plaćeno oglašavanje u kampanjama 2012. i 2014. u Srbiji.Cilj je takođe da se analizira lično iskustvo političarki da bi se na nov i drugačiji način analizirale prakse i strategije partija u odnosu na vidljivost kandidatkinja u vreme predizborne kampanjeu medijima. Metode korišćene u istraživanju su: kritička analiza medijskog diskursa(jedinica analize je tv spot u celini, verbalna, vizuelna i zvučna komponenta), komparativnametoda i životne priče kandidatkinja. Osnovna hipoteza je da bez obzira na to što su, shodnozakonskim odredbama, na kandidatskim listama, u oba analizirana izborna ciklusa, ženezauzimale svako treće mesto – one su podzastupljene u plaćenom političkom medijskom reklamiranju(TV spotu). Osnovni rezultat je da su medijske plaćene kampanje bile maskulinizirane.U fokusu je samo partijski lider. Kandidatkinje su podzastupljene u oba posmatranaperioda. Partije nisu rodno senzibilisane kada je reč o političkom plaćenom oglašavanju uvreme predizborne kampanje.

Увођење општих знања о музици (теоријских и практичних) у програме основног и средњег образовања започето је у југословенским крајевима још крајем 19. века уз свест о њиховој значајној васпитној, развојној и етичкој улози. Такво схватање функције музичког образовања и васпитања одржало се и након Првог светског рата, с тим да је потреба за темељнијим приступом у овој области која се манифестовала кроз бројне законодавне и административне подухвате подстакла промишљање његових нових видова организовања и спровођења. О задацима, циљевима и формама музичког образовања и уједно наставе музике у југословенском друштву и његовом образовном систему дискутовало се опсежно у стручним круговима. У овом раду анализираћемо неке од кључних проблема који су се издвојили у расправама музичких стручњакаи педагога указујући на појединачне приступе њиховом тумачењу, те теоријској и/или практичној елаборацији. ; The insclusion of music in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools throughout regions of Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary (future territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) started in the end of the 19th century. Already in that time, the belief that music had an important social, psychosocial and ethical role was spreaded among pedagogues and theoreticians. the same belif was even more accentuated after the First world war with the emphasis on modification of legislative regulations and bureacratical frames. At the same time, it provoked discussions on the posssibilities of new approaches to music education in primary and secondary schools. Among other things, music specialists debated on the concept and goals of music education in Yugoslav society. In this paper, we analysed some of the key issues that appeared in the discourse of music experts illuminating their diverse interpretations and theoretical and practical elaborations. Our focus was on articles and investigations of Serbian, Croat and Slovene experts such were Miloje Milojević, Antun Dobronić, Pavle Markovac and Dragotin Cvetko. ; Према књизи апстраката, зборник је резултат међународног научног скупа "Владо С. Милошевић : етномузиколог, композитор и педагог", одржаног у Бања Луци 12. и 13. априла 2013. године, у оквиру манифестације "Дани Владе С. Милошевића".