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This paper proposes a model that can be implemented to estimate the willingness to pay for distributive justice, defined as distribution according to desert. We derive a formula that allows one to recover the willingness to pay for distributive justice from fiscal data and the estimated coefficients of a probit regression. Using this formula and data from a 1998 Gallup Social Audit, we find that on average the monetary value of justice for US households amounts to about one fifth of their disposable income. Moreover, we find evidence of markedly heterogeneous preferences for justice along the lines of race and education.

Even after ten years of democratic government, South Africa remains an unusually unequal society. Inequalities in the distribution of incomes both reflect and reproduce inequalities of opportunity. Yet curiously little research has been conducted on what South Africans think about inequality, and their views on distributive justice. The limited extant research suggests that most South Africans believe that their country is too unequal, that there is strong support for government action to reduce inequalities, and that class consciousness and racial identities are both widespread. This paper uses existing and new data to show that distributive justice perceptions and attitudes in South Africa are mutable: perceptions and attitudes change according to the precise question posed, have changed over time, and change in the face of counter-arguments. South Africans, like people in many other parts of the world, see some poor people as more deserving than others, with perceived desert reflecting recognised needs (e.g. the elderly), responsibilities (e.g. breadwinners) and behaviour (with respondents being hostile to support for chronic drinkers, for example). Some, but not most, South Africans also become less supportive of the government supporting the poor if taxes are to be increased. Overall, South Africans seem to recognise a wide range of deserving poor, and even richer elites are inclined toward generosity, but support for redistribution is far from unconditional.

While there exist extensive literatures on both distributive justice and senior executive pay, and a number of authors (notably the French economist Thomas Piketty) have addressed the implications of high pay for distributive justice, the existing literature fails to address what senior executives themselves think about distributive justice and whether they consider high income inequalities to be morally acceptable. We address this gap by analysing a unique dataset comprising the views of over 1000 senior executives from across the world, which was constructed using a survey instrument designed by the authors based on a thought experiment resembling John Rawls's original position. We report four main findings. First, executives conceptualise distributive justice in a pluralistic manner, endorsing different and sometimes apparently conflicting philosophical principles: to explain how this plurality can be accounted for we propose a novel field-theory framework for conceptualising beliefs about distributive justice. Second, executives support similar philosophical approaches at both society and company levels of analysis, thus countering the idea that companies should leave matters of distributive justice exclusively for governments to deal with via the tax system. Third, executives believe that they live in societies and work for companies that fall short of desirable distributive justice outcomes. Fourth, the distributive justice views of the executives in our sample fall into four distinct clusters that are correlated with certain socio-demographic markers. Finally, we note the distinction between distributive justice beliefs and behaviours, from which we derive a number of managerial and public policy implications.

This paper explores the implications of empirical theories of migration for normative accounts of migration and distributive justice. It examines neo-classical economics, world-systems theory, dual labor market theory, and feminist approaches to migration and contends that neo-classical economic theory in isolation provides an inadequate understanding of migration. Other theories provide a fuller account of how national and global economic, political, and social institutions cause and shape migration flows by actively affecting people's opportunity sets in source countries and by admitting people according to social categories such as class and gender. These empirical theories reveal the causal impact of institutions regulating migration and clarify moral obligations frequently overlooked by normative theorists.

This paper explores the implications of empirical theories of migration for normative accounts of migration and distributive justice. It examines neo-classical economics, world-systems theory, dual labor market theory, and feminist approaches to migration and contends that neo-classical economic theory in isolation provides an inadequate understanding of migration. Other theories provide a fuller account of how national and global economic, political, and social institutions cause and shape migration flows by actively affecting people's opportunity sets in source countries and by admitting people according to social categories such as class and gender. These empirical theories reveal the causal impact of institutions regulating migration and clarify moral obligations frequently overlooked by normative theorists.

This paper was first presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Christian Ethics, Toronto School of Theology, Toronto, Ontario in January 1977. Robert Shelton aims to focus on the concept of 'right to health care,' its related principle, 'distributive justice' in an attempt to suggest 'where we are' at present and where we perhaps ought to be heading. The paper is divided into three parts, which in their turn explore the moral grounds, the US general public's policy and the part justice and government are likely to play in the development and distribution of health care. He concludes by highlighting 'omissions', an intentional one of his own and the other a major gap in the literature.

This work consists of a collection of empirical studies about distributive justice. The object of the work is to study individuals' views on how scarce resources should be distributed in the society. Individuals' preferences are either elicited as beliefs and judgments or observed as behaviors in a number of distributive contexts. We are both interested in revealing the individuals' conceptions of justice and in understanding the rationales behind distributive choices. In the first part, we study the entitlement to priority rights in the context of trasferts between generations (bequests and retirement) and in the context of health care. The framework used in the second part deals with situations where a trade-off exists between one's own private interest and the others' one. In particular, this trade-off is analysed with respect to the issue of redistributive public policies and in a context of bargaining occurring between agents with asymetric claims. Throughout we assume that individuals take distributive decisions or express distributional judgments, by taking into consideration broader reasons than their personal material interest. We consider more specifically fairness and reciprocity rationales. The assumptions are validated through empirical evidence. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'examen empirique des préférences individuelles dans certains problèmes de distribution. L'analyse des préférences individuelles est menée à partir de leur expression sous forme d'opinions, de jugements et de choix. D'une part, nous mettons à jour les conceptions individuelles du juste sur lesquelles repose l'évaluation normative de certaines règles d'allocation de ressources, droits et obligations. Nous cherchons d'autre part à comprendre les raisons qui guident les individus dans leurs choix distributifs. La thèse se compose de six études indépendantes utilisant différentes méthodes empiriques (questionnaires, enquêtes et expériences de laboratoire). La première partie de la thèse traite de l'attribution de droits prioritaires dans le contexte de l'économie des transferts entre générations (héritage et retraites) et dans le domaine de la santé. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions des situations où le choix distributif résulte d'un arbitrage entre l'intérêt personnel de l'agent et celui d'autrui. Nous étudions cet arbitrage dans le cadre des politiques publiques de type redistributif et dans une situation de marchandage stylisé entre des agents ayant des revendications asymétriques. Dans cette partie, nous faisons l'hypothèse que les motifs et les déterminants des choix ne se réduisent pas aux intérêts privés des agents. En particulier, nous prenons en compte les attentions à l'autre et les considérations d'équité et de réciprocité. Nous validons cette hypothèse par le biais d'un certain nombre de tests économétriques et expérimentaux.

In the present dissertation I present a broad instrumental account of the legitimacy of independent central banks. I claim that if the right institutional design is chosen, and it protects democratic participation in several ways and promotes sorne basic distributional goals of the government, the institution of central bank independence might be legitimate, and thus the government might not weaken its own right to rule, or moral authority to crea te enforceable political obligations, when it delegates control over monetary policy to an independent agency. I also offer a sufficientarian account of the central bank's duties of distributive justice, which claims that the concern to insulate monetary policy from electoral manipulation does not require pursuing only the goal of eliminating inefficiency. The bank should, in addition, protect and promote the basic distributional values of the government. I argue that independent central banks should also protect individuals from unemployment, since monetary policy has such deep effects on employment, and they should to manage the risks generated by financia} regulations in ways that avoid jeopardizing the provision of a social mínimum, a precondition for any legitimate set of basic structural institutions. Finally, the international aspect of my dissertation explores four arguments to claim that the asymmetries between the least competitive countries and their competitors have been exacerbated by the Eurozone and cannot adequately be dealt with by relying only in intra-state solidarity. ; En aquesta tesi defensa que la legitimitat de la independencia dels bancs centrals independents pot ser reconeguda per una concepció amplia de l'instrumentalisme. Si el disseny institucional és l'adequat, i protegiex la participació democriitica de diverses formes i promou els valors distributius basics del govern, la institució dels bancs centrals independents pot ser legítima, i per tant el govern no debilita el seu dret a governar, ni la seva autoritat moral per crear obligacions ...

This paper critically examines John Rawls' theory of global justice, particularly his rejection of global egalitarianism and subsequent proposal of the duty of assistance to poor countries. The aim of such assistance is to establish just and decent institutions that are necessary for political autonomy and, subsequently, for international stability, which is the main goal of global justice. The paper attempts to show the inadequacy of these positions by raising two arguments. First, a coercive and global basic structure exists, as demonstrated by the current global cooperation among nations, whether economic, political, or cultural. Such global cooperation, no matter how crude, has profoundly affected people's life prospects, particularly the world's poor, by unjustly harming them. Second, although Rawls' duty of assistance may have noble targets, it is not demanding enough because it leaves untouched the global inequality of resources. Thus, there exists a moral and political imperative to address such global inequality, primarily because 1) global inequality can worsen global poverty, and 2) global inequality is a potential source of humiliation. KEYWORDS: egalitarianism, global difference principle, global justice, negative duty, Pogge, Rawls

La distribución ha sido un tema de reflexión de la economía desde el comienzo de esta disciplina; sin embargo, las tendencias recientes de la filosofía política originadas por la obra de Rawls y su teoría de la justicia presentan una visión alternativa de la justicia distributiva en una sociedad regida por la justicia antes que por la eficiencia. Tal alternativa redunda en una concepción diferente del papel del Estado y, en general, de la política económica. ; Distribution has been a subject matter for analysis in economics from the beginnings of this branch of knowledge; however, recent tendencies in political philosophy originating in Rawls' writings, with his theory of justice, offer an alternative view of distributive justice in a society conducted by justice rather than efficiency. Such an alternative implies, as a consequence thereof, a different understanding of the role of Govemment and, in general, of economic politic

This article elaborates on the possibility of having distributive justice through taxes at European level. That possibility will be based on the verification of a set of conditions such as fiscal sovereignty, political community, welfare model; and personal taxes, which, according to the author, must be present at the level of the European Union in order to achieve that normative principle (distributive justice). Throughout the discussion, upon acknowledgement that those requirements are still not in place, it will be suggested the possibility of moving to a Fiscal federalism, highlighting at the same time its advantages in the context of globalization. ; Galime teigti, kad socialinio teisingumo (distributive justice) principas mokesčių sistemoje vis dėlto nebuvo ir nėra iki galo įgyvendintas. Problemos sprendimas galimas tik ateityje, susiformavus valdžiai ar institucijai, galinčiai įdiegti mokesčių sistemą, atitinkančią šį principą. Straipsnyje pateikti argumentai leidžia teigti, kad gilėjant europiniams integraciniams procesams, būtina viena valdžia ar institucija mokesčių, kurie atspindėtų socialinį teisingumą, klausimams spręsti. Tokiai idėjai pritaria daugelis ne tik socialinių mokslu doktrinos atstovų, bet ir žymūs administracijos atstovai, tokie kaip Pascalis Lamy (Europos Sąjungos Prekybos komisaras). Dalis mokslininku žavisi šia socialinio teisingumo (distributive justice) idėja, manydami, kad ji tūrettt būti įgyvendinta ne tik Europos žemyne, bet tapti ir globalių procesų neatsiejama dalimi. Socialinio teisingumo (distributive justice) įtvirtinimas Europoje suprantamas tik kaip tarpinis etapas pasaulinių procesu kontekste. Doktrinoje pabrėžiama, kad jau dabartinė europietiška perpaskirstymo sistema pagrįsta solidarumo principu. Šio principo esmė - identiškumo neakcentavime, tik taip pagrindžiant solidarumą, Straipsnyje konstatuojama, kad toks socialinio teisingumo (distributive justice) patyrimas Europoje gali tapti prielaida pasauliniams procesams šioje srityje. Todėl galime teigti, kad socialinis teisingumas (distributive justice) galėtų būti reikšmingas žmonijai, o būtent tuomet būtu galima praktiškai įgyvendinti "Tobino mokesčių" koncepciją, kuri neįgyvendinama, nes nėra pasauliniu institucijų, galinčių tai padaryti.

This article elaborates on the possibility of having distributive justice through taxes at European level. That possibility will be based on the verification of a set of conditions such as fiscal sovereignty, political community, welfare model; and personal taxes, which, according to the author, must be present at the level of the European Union in order to achieve that normative principle (distributive justice). Throughout the discussion, upon acknowledgement that those requirements are still not in place, it will be suggested the possibility of moving to a Fiscal federalism, highlighting at the same time its advantages in the context of globalization.

This article elaborates on the possibility of having distributive justice through taxes at European level. That possibility will be based on the verification of a set of conditions such as fiscal sovereignty, political community, welfare model; and personal taxes, which, according to the author, must be present at the level of the European Union in order to achieve that normative principle (distributive justice). Throughout the discussion, upon acknowledgement that those requirements are still not in place, it will be suggested the possibility of moving to a Fiscal federalism, highlighting at the same time its advantages in the context of globalization.

Using data from the General Social Survey of Wuhan in 2014, this paper designs three paths to analyze the direct and indirect effects between education and perception of distributive justice income. The first path explores whether education directly affects people's feeling of distributive justice. The second path connects education to socioeconomic status in to determine whether higher status creates a higher perception of distributive justice. The last path introduces political trust as mediating variable to evaluate the relationship between political trust and justice perception. Results show that only education can promote the feeling of justice through improving people's political trust.

Questions of international distributive justice are certainly not new. We need only think of the demand made by the developing countries in the 1970s for a New World Economic Order, which aimed at a more equitable distribution of the benefits derived from the international division of labor. Demands were at that time raised for improved chances for exports to the industrialized countries, stepped-up financial and technology transfers, and a larger share in the decision-making processes in international institutions, above all in the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Even though these demands have remained largely unheard, and the debate on a New World Order is as good as over, there are, at the outset of the 21st century, a number of highly topical reasons why the issue of international distributive justice is again attracting more and more attention. Many of these reasons are bound up with the phenomenon of globalization.