The purpose of this study was to propose a plan for the unification of school districts in Ellsworth County Kansas to equalize the burden of school support and educational benefits and to provide more efficient school districts which make possible effective and economical use of school funds in terms of good educational programs for all school youngsters in the county. Growing recognition of the magnitude of problems which are connected with the present school district structure in Ellsworth County emphasizes the justification of this study. A study was made of Ellsworth county school districts from 1880 to the present time. Fact s and figures were compiled on present district structure, present enrollment and enrollment trends, assessed valuation of various districts, operational costs per pupil and the financial condition of the districts in the county. The effect of State legislative action on school district organization over the past number of years, both permissive and mandatory, is shown in the study. Present elementary and secondary course offerings in the county and preparation of teachers in the various schools are shown. Examination of the facts presented in the study show there is little uniformity or equality among the school districts in Ellsworth County. Permissive procedures for school district unification has not been effective in the past and the present structure of school districts do not provide the scope and quality of education necessary to meet present day needs. This study helps to identify many inequalities in the present school district structure. Wide variation in types of school district organization, elementary districts overlaid with a separately organized high school district, variation in per pupil assessed valuation, differences in operational costs per pupil, unfair distribution of the tax burden, and unequal educational opportunities from district to district in the county are evident from the study. From the study it is apparent that Ellsworth County has for many years supported ineffective school districts which do not provide the best education for the tax dollar expended and establishes a need for a single administrative unit eliminating needless duplication in fiscal affairs with substantial educational improvements made at all levels of instruction. The study recommends one unified school district maintaining a full twelve grade program under one chief school administrator and one board of education for Ellsworth County. No attempt was made to estimate educational programs possible or to indicate financial obligation this new district might incur other than to show equalization of the tax burden throughout the county. By merging all presently existing districts in the county into a single district the wealth of the county could be distributed more evenly over the county and make it possible to offer a better educational program to all youngsters.
Well-established "facts," scholars know, are sometimes overtoppled by research. The "Piltdown man" is a recent case in point. So is the "Jukes family," whose value to hereditists has collapsed under scientific scrutiny. Of considerably smaller magnitude is a case, just discovered, relating to the putative election of state legislators in single-member districts."Popular election from single-member districts is the prevailing method by which individual legislators are chosen," a Committee of the American Political Science Association reports. Every other authority concurs. Multi-member elections, all agree, are atypical."With few exceptions," Ogg and Ray informed students, "senators and members of lower houses are chosen in small, single-member districts." Among other writers of the older texts, John Mathews cited "the prevalent system of … single-member districts." Charles Beard asserted that "the rule of one member to each district is generally applied." The same assertion was made by the Willoughbys, Lindsay Rogers, James Garner, and others. "For the purpose of choosing their own legislatures," Willoughby and Rogers noted, "the states are divided into senatorial and representative districts from each of which one senator or one representative is elected."
SummaryDrymen; Village Growth and Community ProblemsSince 1950 rising personal incomes, increased car ownership and rising land values within urban areas have brought an intensified building programme in rural districts. Villages at some distance from cities are now affected by a pressure on building land and face the threat of substantial dormitory growth. Rural settlements in west Scotland are faced with this kind of situation owing to the magnitude of the Glasgow overspill problem. This report relates to one such village where the stability and social balance of the community has been affected by the quickening pace of morphological growth.RésuméDrymen ‐ Croissance Du Village Et Problèmes CommunautairesDepuis 1950, l'accroissement des salaires, l'augmentation du nombre des voitures de tourisme et l'accroissement de la valeur des terres dans les zones urbaines ont eu pour conséquence un programme de construction accru dans les districts ruraux.Des villages situés à quelque distance des villes sont maintenant affectés par la demande de terrain à bâtir et confrontäà la crainte d'une croissance considérable de la 'commune dortoir'.Les agglomérations rurales de l'Ecosse de l'Ouest se trouvent face à une telle situation résultant de l'importance du problème de l'aggrandissement de Glasgow.Cet article a pour sujet l'étude d'un tel village, où la stabilité et la balance sociale de la communauté ont été affectées par l'allure accélérée de la croissance morphologique.ZusammenfassungDrymen: Dörfliches Wachstum und GemeindeproblemeInfolge der Steigerung des Je‐Kopf‐Einkommens seit 1950 haben zunehmender Autobesitz und steigender Bodenwert in städtischen Gebieten zu einer verstärkten Bautätigkeit auf dem Lande geführt. Dörfer in einer gewissen Entfernung von Städten werden jetzt von einem Druck auf das Bauland erfasst und stehen vor dem Problem, daß sich ihre Zunahme wesentlich auf eine Wohnbevölkerung bezieht, für die die Gemeinde lediglich Schlafstätte ist. Ländliche Siedlungen in Westschottland befinden sich in einer solchen Lage infolge der Ausdehnungsprobleme von Glasgow. Dieser Bericht bezieht sich auf ein solches Dorf, wo die Stabilität und das soziale Gleichgewicht der Gemeinde in zunehmendm Maße das schneel äußere Wachstum be‐einträchtigt wird.
The notion that an "Atlantic Economy" developed in the nineteenth century does not depend simply on the large movements of capital and labor from Britain to the United States. For there were movements of comparable magnitude to other areas. If the economic relations of Britain and North America are to be regarded as distinctive, it is principally because of the reciprocal movement of investment and growth in the two areas. The argument is that the periods of most rapid growth and intensive use of resources in the two economies were inversely related to each other, and that this alternation was established because there existed a common stock of resources, so that when one area drew rapidly on this stock it was at the expense of the other. At one time, investment in buildings and equipment in the United States was particularly rapid, and there was a heavy movement of migrants to America; in Britain the stream of migrants from the countryside was diverted from the industrial districts, and building and home investment were relatively depressed, but the vigorous demand for exports facilitated the flow of funds abroad. In the next period, the position was reversed; development slackened in the United States, and there was a revival of domestic investment in Britain. This, as Phelps-Brown has said, "is the pattern of the Atlantic Economy, dividing a common fund of incremental energies between its regions in varying proportions from time to time. Whether a house is built in Oldham depends on and is decided by whether a house goes up in Oklahoma."
Published interview of Brooks Hays in Nation's Cities (American Municipal Association) ; refers to three "levels" of government—federal, state, and local. Should there be a fourth—metropolitan? Well, the intergovernmental aspect of metropolitan area government is one good example of what Senator Muskie of Maine calls "the fourth dimension" of government. Cities like Philadelphia and New York have an impact on a large area—parts of three states, in their cases—and on all levels of government. Do you see this as bringing about another level of government to handle problems of urban areas which are on rivers which form state boundaries, such as Kansas City or Memphis? It could be an exciting new experiment in government. What account should we take of a city that straddles a state line? The lives of many people are properly affected by that, even when their area isn't large enough to be defined as metropolitan. However, it seems to me that the most pressing problems brought about by urban growth would continue to be in the great metropolitan areas. In the Chicago area, Wisconsin and Indiana are affected. St. Louis laps over into Illinois, and Chattanooga actually extends into two other states besides Tennessee. You can point to Los Angeles and say that only one state is involved but even there the water supply comes from the Colorado River and this becomes an interstate matter in part. Federal agencies seem to be taking into account the metropolitan scope of their progress, aren't they? To some extent. I mentioned the President's instructions about notifying states of federal actions in advance. That's one approach. But other federal efforts can do only so much. I remember the problems of carrying out federal policy with the Office of Price Administration. The administrator had to realize that it could not be controlled without unified approval from the states. And we never got unified approval. We're not getting it today in regard to many of these programs which are directed at our localities. Does this mean that federal agencies which reflect some concern about metropolitan problems are doing it because the states have left a vacuum on the subject? I think there is a certain absence of concern in the state governments, but I don't think it is a vacuum. And what the federal administrator does is in terms of "reciprocity," he can't afford to be high-handed. We do it with the spirit of cooperation between levels of government. James Madison said, "This Federal system will work as long as there is reciprocal forbearance." That is a choice quotation. The kind of government we have launched is unique—we don't expect it to be a perfect mechanism. Human systems have to be resilient. Perhaps for this reason, allocations to states don't adhere rigidly to formulas. Do governors have need for staff positions such as yours and people such as the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations? For neat and effective functioning, we've got to avoid proliferation of offices. Governors—a good many of them, at least—are aware of the magnitude of developing problems. Each has to become something of a specialist himself; it's almost necessary because there is so much interest in this area now. Having expert advice in his office might well serve a useful purpose, however. This is a matter for each state to decide. Do you care to comment on proposals that the President create a White House staff unit to coordinate federal urban programs which are administered by many different agencies? The present view at the White House is that we have established sufficient procedures between the President and individual agencies. We would much prefer the establishment of a Department of Urban Affairs so that the administration of each federal program could be better related to the others. As a general assessment, how do you feel the Administration's programs will fare at the hands of the new Congress? In broad terms, we do think that the Administration's programs will be treated more sympathetically. Looking ahead to 1964's elections, a lot of Congressmen will want to be able to point to their support of the President. Since the Republicans picked up additional seats in the South and showed surprising strength in close races, what meaning do you think this has for the future of a two-party South? Well, you must remember that there were a lot of changes and not just in the South. When voters in New England elect as many Democrats to state and national office as in recent elections, you have a different two-party picture there, too. In both places, however, the real meaning is very hard to define in actual terms. It does prove the independence of the American voter, regardless of where he lives. And, as I said before, maybe the remarkable mobility of our people will mean a better competition between parties in all regions, states, and districts. I hope so because I believe in the two-party system. When I was running for office, I was on record as favoring it. You know, I want every good thing in life for the Republicans except public office. At the same time, if the Southern Republicans are going to run on the idea that "we're more against integration than you Democrats," they are not building up a foundation for a real party organization. I suppose that the national Republican party will have to decide whether to push for such a foundation, or whether to accept whatever kind of candidates happen to come down the pike in the South. With your responsibilities combined with the staff work of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations and the legislative role of the House and Senate Subcommitees dealing with the subject, where do you think the biggest impact on this "jungle" will be felt? One of the greatest contributions will be to promote the new professionalism and broader outlook which must go into the workings of all levels of government in our time. There may be a long delay in getting through the steps of fact-finding, suggested remedies, debate on them, and decision-making eventually, but all of our effort is aimed at improving each of these vital parts of the democratic process. I think our governmental leaders at all levels will ultimately recognize that their government's decision will always influence the other fellow's, and that expert advice is needed to determine just what that impact will be and what to do about it, in the interest of good government. 14 NATION'S CITIES • WINTER 1962
