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Background:Rabies is a deadly Zoonotic disease most often transmitted to humans through animal bite. Since there is no community-based data to get the actual magnitude of Rabies infection and lack of awareness with misconceptions of patients in Datia region this study was planned.Objectives: To estimate the extent of problem & the epidemiological characteristics of animal bite cases.Methodology: It was Community Based Cross-sectional analytical study conducted at field practice area (UHTC) under Community Medicine Department of Government Medical College, Datia. The study was conducted for period 1 year. Interview schedule was used, and data was thoroughly cleaned and analysed using Epi info.Results: Total 420 cases of animal bites were studied in the present study. Most common biting animal was dog as 97.33% cases gave history of dog bite. Right lower limb was the most common (55%) biting sit. The local applications at the site of bite were tobacco snuff, red chillimiscellaneous which were practiced by 69% of cases. Conclusion: There is need for creating awareness in public and medical community about proper wound management and judicious use of anti-rabies vaccine.

Las mujeres han hecho enormes progresos en su incorporación a la arena política. No obstante, el ritmo de esa incorporación ha sido desigual. El presente artículo analiza los efectos de la ideología partidaria y de las características de la competencia electoral sobre la elección de mujeres en cargos legislativos, en cinco democracias latinoamericanas a lo largo de tres décadas. Los resultados brindan evidencia del efecto de factores partidarios (ideología) e institucionales (tipos de lista), al tiempo que pone en duda el efecto de otros factores aseverados por la literatura, tales como la magnitud de distrito y la magnitud partidaria. ; Women have made enormous progress in their political incorporation. However, the pace of that incorporation has differed across countries. The present article analyzes the effects of party ideology and of the characteristics of electoral competition on the election of women in legislative seats in five Latin American democracies over three decades. The empirical results provide evidence of the effects of party (ideology) and institutional factors (type of ballot); and at the same time, call into question the effect of factors previously asserted in the literature, such as district magnitude y party magnitude. ; Les femmes ont fait d'énormes progrès dans leur incorporation dans l'arène politique. Cependant, le rythme de cette incorporation a été inégal. Cet article analyse les effets de l'idéologie partisane et ceux des caractéristiques de la compétence électorale sur l'élection des femmes en postes législatifs, dans cinq démocraties latino-américaines au cours de trois décennies. Les résultats mettent en évidence l'effet d'autres facteurs partisans (idéologie) et institutionnels (types de liste) en même temps qu'il remet en question l'effet d'autres facteurs certifiés par la littérature comme l'ampleur du district et l'étendue partisane.

International audience ; Background: HIV and malaria are among the leading causes of morbidity and mortality during pregnancy in Africa. However, data from Congolese pregnant women are lacking. The aim of the study was to determine the magnitude, predictive factors, clinical, biologic and anthropometric consequences of malaria infection, HIV infection, and interactions between malaria and HIV infections in pregnant women. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted among pregnant women admitted and followed up at Camp Kokolo Military Hospital from 2009 to 2012 in Kinshasa, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Differences in means between malaria-positive and malaria-negative cases or between HIV-positive and HIV-negative cases were compared using the Student's t-test or a non-parametric test, if appropriate. Categorical variables were compared using the Chi-square or Fisher's exact test, if appropriate. Backward multivariable analysis was used to evaluate the potential risk factors of malaria and HIV infections. The odds ratios with their 95% confidence interval (95% CI) were estimated to measure the strengths of the associations. Analyses resulting in values of P < 0.05 were considered significant. Results: A malaria infection was detected in 246/332 (74.1%) pregnant women, and 31.9% were anaemic. Overall, 7.5% (25/332) of mothers were infected by HIV, with a median CD4 count of 375 (191; 669) cells/μL. The mean (±SD) birth weight was 2,613 ± 227 g, with 35.7% of newborns weighing less than 2,500 g (low birth weight). Low birth weight, parity and occupation were significantly different between malaria-infected and uninfected women in adjusted models. However, fever, anemia, placenta previa, marital status and district of residence were significantly associated to HIV infection. Conclusion: The prevalence of malaria infection was high in pregnant women attending the antenatal facilities or hospitalized and increased when associated with HIV infection.

International audience ; Background: HIV and malaria are among the leading causes of morbidity and mortality during pregnancy in Africa. However, data from Congolese pregnant women are lacking. The aim of the study was to determine the magnitude, predictive factors, clinical, biologic and anthropometric consequences of malaria infection, HIV infection, and interactions between malaria and HIV infections in pregnant women. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted among pregnant women admitted and followed up at Camp Kokolo Military Hospital from 2009 to 2012 in Kinshasa, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Differences in means between malaria-positive and malaria-negative cases or between HIV-positive and HIV-negative cases were compared using the Student's t-test or a non-parametric test, if appropriate. Categorical variables were compared using the Chi-square or Fisher's exact test, if appropriate. Backward multivariable analysis was used to evaluate the potential risk factors of malaria and HIV infections. The odds ratios with their 95% confidence interval (95% CI) were estimated to measure the strengths of the associations. Analyses resulting in values of P < 0.05 were considered significant. Results: A malaria infection was detected in 246/332 (74.1%) pregnant women, and 31.9% were anaemic. Overall, 7.5% (25/332) of mothers were infected by HIV, with a median CD4 count of 375 (191; 669) cells/μL. The mean (±SD) birth weight was 2,613 ± 227 g, with 35.7% of newborns weighing less than 2,500 g (low birth weight). Low birth weight, parity and occupation were significantly different between malaria-infected and uninfected women in adjusted models. However, fever, anemia, placenta previa, marital status and district of residence were significantly associated to HIV infection. Conclusion: The prevalence of malaria infection was high in pregnant women attending the antenatal facilities or hospitalized and increased when associated with HIV infection.

State subsidies to attract investment have proliferated since the 1980s, yet we know little about the factors that influence governments' subsidy policies. In this paper, I propose that in making subsidy policies, governments are influenced by capital mobility and domestic political institutions. Capital mobility influences subsidy levels in two ways. First, mobility increases the bargaining power of capital vis-à-vis governments in negotiations over subsidies, and, second, the ability of companies to move across borders triggers competition among neighboring countries, thus driving subsidy levels upwards. I argue, however, that the likelihood of governments to respond to the pressures from mobile capital will be higher in countries with electoral institutions that encourage personal vote-seeking, such as small district magnitudes and low political party discipline. The empirical analysis of subsidy levels in the EU member states during the period 1992-2006 lends support for these arguments.

How proportional are the results of electoral systems designed to ensure proportional representation? How large is the deviation from proportionality for relative majority systems? Does a given system favor large, small or medium‐sized parties? Are some parties consistently advantaged? Is the system predictable or erratic? Plotting the percentage of seats–percentage of votes ratio versus percentage of votes for all parties, is found to be a simple and yet powerful graphical method to answer such questions. Application of such "proportionality profiles" to West European multi‐party systems leads to a typology of electoral systems based on their actual effect (rather than their formal procedure or intended effect). District magnitude, the number of rounds, and nationwide adjustment rules are found to be more important than formal seat distribution rules such as d'Hondt or Sainte‐Laguë. Copyright © 1980, Wiley Blackwell. All rights reserved

Abstract Background Ethiopia has one of the highest maternal mortality in the world. Institutional delivery is the key intervention in reducing maternal mortality and complications. However, the uptake of the service has remained low and the factors which contribute to this low uptake appear to vary widely. Our study aims to determine the magnitude and identify factors affecting delivery at health institution in two districts in Ethiopia. Methods A community based cross sectional household survey was conducted from January to February 2012 in 12 randomly selected villages of Wukro and Butajera districts in the northern and south central parts of Ethiopia, respectively. Data were collected using a pretested questionnaire from 4949 women who delivered in the two years preceding the survey. Results One in four women delivered the index child at a health facility. Among women who delivered at health facility, 16.1% deliveries were in government hospitals and 7.8% were in health centers. The factors that significantly affected institutional delivery in this study were district in which the women lived (AOR: 2.21, 95% CI: 1.28, 3.82), women age at interview (AOR: 1.96, 95% CI: 1.05, 3.62), women's education (AOR: 3.53, 95% CI: 1.22, 10.20), wealth status (AOR: 16.82, 95% CI: 7.96, 35.54), women's occupation (AOR: 1.50, 95% CI: 1.01, 2.24), antenatal care (4+) use (AOR: 1.77, 95% CI: 1.42, 2.20), and number of pregnancies (AOR: 0.25, 95% CI: 0.18,0.35). We found that women who were autonomous in decision making about place of delivery were less likely to deliver in health facility (AOR: 0.38, 95% CI: 0.23,0.63). Conclusions Institutional delivery is still low in the Ethiopia. The most important factors that determine use of institutional delivery appear to be women education and household economic status. Women's autonomy in decision making on place of delivery did not improve health facility delivery in our study population. Actions targeting the disadvantaged, improving quality of services and service availability in the area are likely to significantly increase institutional delivery.

A more resilient adaptation to changing climate calls for crop diversification in vineyards, too. As a contribution to the H2020 collaborative project of the European Union, called Diverfarming, and part of the agroecological experiments during 2018 and 2019, grapevine biomass growth was monitored in connection with carbon storage types in soil and in the deposits removed by soil erosion. Phenometry was carried out interpreting segmented images to follow changes in biomass. It was found that crop growth could be best described by the Richards growth function. The distinction between grapevine and intercrop growth, however, requires further refinement in image analysis. In the laboratory TOC and Ntotal were measured for both the soil and the plant organs as well as for the eroded sediments. Greenhouse gas emissions and photosynthesis were monitored. Looking at the change of Leaf Area Index (LAI) over the growing period, image analysis pointed out the role of cut shoots from pruning in the C and N cycles. Maximum leaf area (at ripening) for guyot cultivation technique was extimated at 7,840 m2 ha-1. Soil loss by erosion was established by sediment traps at the end of vinestock rows. The grain size distribution analysis led to the remarkable result that as erosion proceeded, the ratio of the sand fraction increased but remained within the range for the textural class of loam. Organic matter contents grew to 38 g kg-1. The rate of soil erosion is higher in ploughed than in grassed interrows by orders of magnitude.

Drawing on an original sample of 351 elections held in new and consolidated democracies from 1960 to 2013, this article examines the likelihood that new parties gain parliamentary representation as a function of electoral system permissiveness and contextual factors that shape political entrepreneurs' perception of political opportunity. We distinguish between the success of genuinely new parties and that achieved by splinters or parties formed through mergers. We find that the district magnitude matters for the success of all three types of newcomers, while the electoral formula and proportionality matter only for the parliamentary entry of splinter parties. Another novel finding is that government instability facilitates the success of genuinely new and splinter parties. The analysis also shows that, irrespective of the type of transition, the more elections have taken place since then, the less likely it becomes that genuinely new parties and merger new parties enter parliament.

Around the turn of the century, political developments in Northern Ireland, Fiji and Papua New Guinea encouraged claims that preferential voting systems could steer polities in the direction of 'moderate' multi-ethnic government. Sixteen years later, we have a longer time period and larger volume of data to reassess these verdicts. This article investigates ballot transfer and party vote–seat share patterns in the seven deeply divided polities with some experience of preferential voting for legislative elections or direct presidential elections (Northern Ireland, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Estonia, Sri Lanka, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Southern Rhodesia). We find little support for centripetalist claims that such systems encourage 'moderate' parties. We argue that where district magnitude is low, where voters are required to rank preferences and where ticket voting prevails, departures from vote–seat proportionality may favour 'moderate' parties, but such heavily engineered systems may simply advantage the larger parties or yield erratic outcomes.

Recent studies show the effects of electoral systems and ethnic cleavages on the number of parties in emerging democracies differ from those effects observed in more established democracies. Building on recent arguments maintaining the quality of democracy improves with experience, we argue the reason for the differences in the findings between established and emerging democracies is that the effects of these variables on the number of parties differ according to a country's experience with elections. To test this argument, we analyse party system fragmentation in 89 established and emerging democracies and the conditioning effects experience with elections have on the effects of district magnitude, ethnic cleavages, and variables relating to the presidential party system. The results show the effects of institutional and social cleavage variables differ substantially between emerging and established democracies, but these effects begin to approximate those seen in more established democracies with additional experience with elections.

Do electoral institutions and ethnopolitical cleavages shape the structure of party systems separately or jointly? We examine the independent, additive, and interactive effects on the number of electoral and legislative parties of two institutional variables (district magnitude and proximity of presidential and legislative elections), one intervening variable (effective number of presidential candidates), and two new measures of ethnopolitical cleavages based on constructivist specification of ethnopolitical groups (fragmentation and concentration). Ethnopolitical fragmentation independently reduces the number of parties but, interactively with ethnopolitical concentration, increases it. However, the additive and interactive combinations of both measures with electoral institutions explain the largest amount of variance in the number of parties. These results emphasize the importance of ethnopolitical cleavages in mediating the effects of electoral institutions on the structure of party systems, with important implications for the stability of Africa's emerging democracies in which parties are weak and multiethnic coalitions are fluid.

Recent scholarship on the impact of fiscal institutions on budgeting outcomes in Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries indicates that political institutions impact the level of budget discipline. BuiIding upon this previous research, we argue that the principle problem that must be addressed to insure strong fiscal discipline is the common pool resource (CPR) problem. The source of the problem, as well as its solution, differ in the government and in the legislature. At the cabinet level, the CPR problem arises because ministers consider the spending and tax implications of decisions on their ministries (only) instead of on the general population. As Hallerberg and von Hagen (1999) indicate, the appropriate solution at the cabinet level depends upon the coalition structure of the government. Given that all LAC countries have either presidential or oneparty parliamentary systems, a strong central player like the finance minister can reduce the CPR problem at the cabinet level. A similar strengthening of the executive vis-à-vis the legislature, in contrast, does not necessarily lead to tighter fiscal discipline. The level of the CPR problem in the legislature depends upon the type of electoral system. If states have open list proportional representation systems, then increases in district magnitude increase the problem, while under closed lists increases in district magnitude decrease the problem. Using a data set of LAC countries for the period 1988-97 and following Carey and Shugart (1995), we create an index for the incentives for the personal vote. We find that executive power in the budget process is most effective in reducing budget deficits when the personal vote is high in the legislature, while strengthening the president (or prime minister) in countries where the personal vote is low in the legislature has no statistically significant effect. This finding has practical implications for the design of fiscal institutions in LAC countries—granting the executive a privileged position vis-à-vis the legislature has beneficial effects on the budget balance only when the CPR problem in the legislature is large. Moreover, an alternative institutional change is to reform a country's electoral system. The second option may be more feasible in countries where legislators are unlikely to give the president more power, or where dictatorial pasts make populations wary of granting the executive too much authority on any policy area.

Independent smallholders who manage their own oil palm plantations without receiving technical assistance and agricultural inputs from oil palm estates or government have been increasing rapidly in Indonesia in recent years. However the magnitude of their impacts on tropical forest deforestation remains largely unevaluated. The objective of this study was to explore the history of land use, and the changes in land cover and status since the onset of oil palm plantation activities. The study was conducted from March to April 2016. Surveys were carried out in 30 ha of independent smallholder oil palm in Kampar District, Riau Province. To identify the land status, the Agreed functional forest classification (TGHK) and Provincial land use planning (RTRWP) maps were overlaid on images of the area of independent smallholder oil palm. Landsat images three years before oil palm was established were used to assess forest cover changes. Furthermore, oil palm smallholders and elders of the local community in the research area were interviewed to identify land use prior to oil palm. Our results showed that, based on land status, 47% of the area of independent smallholders' oil palm derived from logged forest; that is the land changed in status from forest to oil palm plantation. The other 53% of oil palm area derived from non-forested land. The land use history before the establishment of independent smallholder oil palm mostly comprised general-purpose field activities and former forest-felling (forest concessions). The land cover before conversion into oil palm comprised rubber plantation, secondary forest, and shrub cover. From the results of our survey, we conclude that most of the oil palm plantations planted between 1990 and 2002 have their origins not in primary forest, but rather in degraded secondary forest, former fields, and shrub-land. These results imply that conversion of forest area into oil palm plantations is not the direct cause of deforestation in the tropical forests of Kampar, Riau Province.

The telecommunication links plays a significant role in our daily life. In recent time, the use of wireless phones such as, mobile (Cellular) phones have become very widespread. It is one of the prime network in connecting all Government and private offices, disaster mitigation stations, hospitals and majority of homes by transmitting and receiving voice, fax and data. The telecommunication before, during and after disaster or emergency situation plays a vital role by providing adequate assistance to the population of disaster affected area. This paper confined to explain the different modes of application of telecommunication which are used by the disaster affected people (before and after June 2013) of Rudraprayag district from Uttarakhand. The present paper is also reveals the irresponsible disaster management activity in the district before and after the disaster. The present study is based on the primary data and collection of data based on ground truth through household schedule and the criterion for selecting household was based on the magnitude of disaster affected them. The natural disaster can't be eliminated but its impact before and after disaster can be minimised by the proper use of Information and communication technology.